Revisiting the Racial Threat Thesis: The Role of Police Organizational Characteristics in Predicting Race‐Specific Drug Arrest Rates

Previous research examining the relationship between structural factors and drug arrest rates has neglected the role of the police organization. A central proposition of racial threat theory is that indicators of a threatening Black population will be associated with law enforcement actions as a form of social control. In order to fully test this proposition, however, organizational aspects of law enforcement beyond size of the police force must be considered. Hence, the present study examines police organizational factors as direct predictors of race‐specific drug arrest rates but also as potential moderators of the effects of structural factors on drug arrest rates. Using data from 260 cities, we find that police organizational factors matter, both directly and as moderators of the association between racial economic competition and Black drug arrest rates. Consistent with expectations derived from racial threat and organizational theory, we find that racial threat measures are associated with Black drug arrest rates under conditions of relatively low organizational control.     

Racial Discrimination and Hirschi's Criminological Classic: A Chapter in the Sociology of Knowledge

In Causes of Delinquency, Travis Hirschi attempted to falsify the strain theory claim that racial discrimination might contribute to the delinquency of African American youths. A reanalysis of the Richmond Youth Project data used in his classic study, however, reveals that perceived racial discrimination is a robust predictor of delinquent involvement. This finding suggests that Hirschi missed a historic opportunity to focus the attention of a generation of criminologists on how the unique experiences of African Americans may shape their criminality. Given the salience of perceived racial bias in the lives of many African Americans, the subsequent neglect by scholars of discrimination as a potential source of crime is a remarkable omission—so much so that it constitutes a significant and as yet untold chapter in the sociology of knowledge.     

Racial and Ethnic Heterogeneity,Economic Disadvantage,and Gangs: A Macro‐Level Study of Gang Membership in Urban America

There is a lack of macro‐level gang research. The present study addresses this shortcoming by providing a theoretically informed analysis of gang membership in large US cities. More specifically, our goal is to determine whether racial and ethnic heterogeneity conditions the relationship between economic disadvantage and gang membership. Three separate sources of data are used in this study: U.S. Census 2000, Law Enforcement Management and Administrative Services 2000, and National Youth Gang Survey 2002–2006. A series of weighted least‐squares regression models are estimated, finding that both economic disadvantage and racial and ethnic heterogeneity exhibit independent and additive effects on gang membership. In addition, the results show that racial and ethnic heterogeneity has a conditioning relationship with economic disadvantage. Furthermore, our expanded operationalization of the Blau heterogeneity measure indicates that prior research may have underestimated the effects of heterogeneity. The authors discuss these findings in the context of existing gang research and offer directions for future research.     

Police organizational factors,the racial composition of the police,and the probability of arrest

While past research has considered the effects of police organizational characteristics on various outcomes, including arrest rates, relatively little research has explored the role of the racial composition of the police and its association with race‐specific arrest rates. Furthermore, no research has explored the association between arrest probabilities for Black and White offenders and police organizational factors. Using data from the 2000 National Incident‐Based Reporting System (NIBRS), the 2000 Law Enforcement Management and Administrative Statistics (LEMAS), and the 2000 decennial Census, the present exploratory study employs multilevel modeling to examine the association between police organizational factors including the percentage of the police force that is Black and arrest probabilities for offenders involved in 19,099 aggravated assaults and 100,859 simple assaults across 105 small cities. Results show that for simple assaults, the relative size of the Black police force is associated with the risk of arrest for both Black and White offenders. Furthermore, departments with relatively more Black police officers are found to have the largest gap in the arrest probabilities for White and Black offenders, although Whites are more likely to be arrested for assaults than Blacks, regardless of the racial composition of the police. Results also show those departments with more written policy directives, relatively larger administrative component, a higher educational‐level requirement, and centralized police departments have the highest arrest probabilities. Implications of these findings and recommendations for further research are discussed.     

The groupuscularization of neo-Nazism in Germany: the case of the Aktionsbüro Norddeutschland

Since the beginning of the 1990s, in the aftermath of a series of brutal attacks on foreigners and asylum-seekers, seventeen neo-Nazi organizations have been banned in Germany. In addition, public events such as the yearly marches in honour of Rudolf Hess have been prohibited. It is for this reason that some members of the neo-Nazi movement have turned to the Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands (National Democratic Party of Germany), which, under a new leadership, has opened its ranks to neo-Nazi skinheads. Another part of the violent far right has developed new organizational modes of operation, without central, rigid or formal structures. Small, locally based groups—the so-called freie Kameradschaften (free fellowships) have been set up and are operating mainly at a local or regional level. Co-operation between them is ­guaranteed by regular meetings and by longstanding contacts between their leaders. If the freie Kameradschaften are analysed as a social movement, one can identify numerous groupuscules within the German neo-Nazi scene that contribute, each in its own specific way, to its continuity, development and diversification. One of the more relevant of these groupuscules is the Aktionsbüro Norddeutschland (Northern Germany Action Bureau), whose ideology is openly neo-Nazi. Its main field of activity is its Internet website, from which it appeals to its supporters to take part in neo-Nazi demonstrations and virtually organized campaigns.     

Racism and Xenophobia in English Law

Racism and xenophobia are currently growing concerns inall the Member States of the European Union. This article deals withthe various legal mechanisms relating to the control of racistand/or xenophobic expression in English law. Although xenophobia isnot per se recognised in English law, racism is covered on a varietyof levels, by the prevention of racial discrimination and thepotential for suing in defamation (civil); and by the prosecutionof public order offences, sedition and the new concept of raciallyaggravated offences (criminal). It is suggested that these variousmechanisms are too diffuse and that their effectiveness would begreatly enhanced by a consolidating statute which would attach anappropriately high level of stigma to the behaviour in question.     

Social Support and Disclosure of Abuse: Comparing South Asian, African American, and Hispanic Battered Women

Sixty-two battered women who had accessed domestic violence services were asked to whom they disclosed the partner abuse, the responses they received, and how supported they felt by kin and nonkin network members. The findings showed that older women and those who had resided in the United States longer were more likely to make disclosures to kin members. Older women, those who had higher levels of perceived social support, and those who reported lower frequency of physical violence were more likely to disclose to nonkin members. The findings suggest that those women experiencing more severe abuse may be the least likely to disclose to others. As a group, the South Asian women were older and more educated, and greater proportions were or had been married to the abuser. In contrast to the other groups, a greater proportion reported having been burned or scalded and fewer reported being sexually coerced. In greater proportions, they disclosed the abuse to brothers and fathers and were advised to stay in their marriages. Service providers working with minority battered women must be knowledgeable of cross-cultural differences in the experience of abuse and disclosure patterns. Culturally appropriate and aggressive outreach within specific ethnic communities may be required to reach battered women in the community. Service providers must consider working with members of women's informal support network to provide both emotional and instrumental support.     

THE REPRODUCTION OF RACIAL INEQUALITY: HOW CRIME AFFECTS HOUSING TURNOVER*

This study examines the microlevel process of housing turnover between Blacks and Whites to assess whether crime plays an important role in the racial transition of neighborhoods. The study uses a unique, longitudinal version of the National Crime Survey in which each dwelling's close neighbors are identified. After controlling for household characteristics and the characteristics of their close neighbors, crime occurring in nearby areas is found to increase the chances of White-to-Black turnover while decreasing the chances of Black-to-White turnover. This change occurs even though the directly victimized houses do not necessarily have a probability of racial turnover different than that of other houses nearby. The findings suggest the presence of structural constraints that limit the housing opportunities for Blacks and constrain their choice of residence to comparatively unsafe neighborhoods. They also indicate that “White avoidance,” in which Whites systematically bypass high-crime neighborhoods, is important in maintaining the relationship between race and crime.     

RACE,FRIENDSHIP NETWORKS,AND VIOLENT DELINQUENCY

Although a growing body of literature emphasizes the role of friendship networks and peer relations for youth involvement in violence and delinquency, little research has examined the role of friendship networks in understanding the varying involvement of different racial‐ethnic groups in violence. Using data from approximately 13,000 respondents to the first two waves of the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add Health), we explore the ability of friendship networks to account for the differential rates of violence among racial‐ethnic groups. In addition, we evaluate whether race moderates the degree to which friendship characteristics predict adolescent violence. Findings indicate significant differences in the structure and behavioral orientation of friendship networks across racial‐ethnic identities. Moreover, incorporating characteristics of friendship networks into multivariate analyses accounts for greater involvement in violence among black and Hispanic youths. Network racial heterogeneity and friends' popularity also emerge as particular network characteristics that operate differently for black and white youth.     

BEYOND THE BELL CURVE: COMMUNITY DISADVANTAGE AND THE EXPLANATION OF BLACK‐WHITE DIFFERENCES IN ADOLESCENT VIOLENCE*

Disproportionate involvement in violent behavior among African American, versus white, adolescents is a major arena of debate in the social sciences. The individual difference approach draws attention to verbal ability as an explanation of black‐white differences in violence. Sociological theories stress variation in community and family socioeconomic disadvantage. We contrast these causal images of racial differences in serious violence using the National Longitudinal Survey of Adolescent Health and contextual modeling. Results indicate that verbal ability has an indirect effect on violence through school achievement, but does not account for the greater involvement in violence among black adolescents. The analysis is most consistent with a sociological model that views the race‐violence link as a spurious outcome of community context.