Pauline Hanson and the Rise and Fall of the Radical Right in Australia

Abstract

In this paper Deutchman examines the rise and fall of the radical right in the late 1990s in Australia. In particular, she focuses on the rise and fall of Pauline Hanson's One Nation party. In 1996 an obscure backbencher named Pauline Hanson was elected to the federal parliament. From the moment she made her first speech in September of that year she was rarely off the nation's front pages. By April 1997 she started her own political party, One Nation. By July 1998 her party was able to win an astonishing 23 per cent of the vote in the Queensland state election. And by October 1998 she lost her own seat in Parliament and saw her party's fortunes decline. Deutchman examines various theories which have attempted to explain the rise of radical-right parties in Europe and the United States in order to understand the Australian case. Notably, she argues that the convergence of the two major parties, the Coalition and the Australian Labor Party, provides the setting in which the emergence of a radical-right party becomes more likely. Such a party often emerges when the two major parties are centre-right ones, as is the case in Australia. In most countries research has shown that it is difficult for a radical-right party to do well nationally. Indeed, this has been true in Australia. Despite the fact that One Nation has lost much of its electoral support, Deutchman argues that it is premature to write off the radical right in Australia.     

Net Gains and GUD Reactions: Patterns of Prejudice in a Neo-fascist Groupuscule

Using the student organization Groupe d'union et de défense (GUD) as a case-study, Griffin argues that the radical-right groupuscule should not be treated as an embryonic or stunted form of the inter-war 'armed party' epitomized by the Italian Fascist and German Nazi parties. Rather it is to be seen as a genus of extra-parlia-mentary political formation in its own right, perfectly adapted to the inhospitable climate of relatively stable liberal democracy and capitalism in which revolutionary nationalism has had to survive since 1945. As such the groupuscule's true significance lies in its existence as one minute entity in a swarm of similar organisms which can be termed the 'groupuscular right'. This takes on a collective force greater than the sum of its parts by conserving and transmitting fascism's diagnosis of the status quo and its vision of a new order despite its acute marginalization from mainstream politics. Having surveyed GUD's history and activities over the years, Griffin focuses on its ideology, which he identifies as a form of Third Positionism theoretically allied to anti-western Arab nations and heavily influenced by the Nouvelle Droite notion of 'cultural war' against the homogenizing effects of globalization and on behalf of a reborn Europe. He then considers the extraordinary network of historical and contemporary radical-right associations emanating to and from this one formation, a process considerably facilitated by the Internet. He concludes by suggesting that the importance of the groupuscular right, apart from its formation of cadres who may be recruited by mainstream parties such as the Front national, lies in its function as a self-perpetuating, leaderless, centreless and supra-national 'energy field' of neo-fascist beliefs, which, like the Web, is unaffected by the weakness or loss of individual nodal points (organizations).     

论奥古斯丁的“根本恶”观念

文章讨论《忏悔录》第二卷的“根本恶”观念,奥古斯丁称之为“为恶而恶”。文章从以下三方面分析了“根本恶”观念：（1）“根本恶”是与任何具体回报包括财物、名誉和权力无关的恶,是纯粹的恶;（2）“根本恶”虽然存在于个体里面,但个体由于受所谓的道德感约束,因此单个个体通常不会表现出根本恶,共同体（例如朋友的友爱）反而容易造成根本恶的实施;（3）根本恶的本质是“骄傲”,而“骄傲”是一种虚假的自由。文章由此指出奥古斯丁所谓的恶的伦理是一种不同于希腊德性论的伦理观念。     

加快外向农业产业化进程推进我市农业结构战略性调整

大连市农业结构战略性调整已取得大很大成绩,但相比之下仍有不小差距,制约因素尚多.从我市的实际出发,其根本对策在于实施国际化战略,加快推进外向农业产业化进程,从而造就农业发展的新关系,新格局.     

电针预处理对缺血再灌注损伤大鼠脑自由基含量的影响

目的：观察电针预处理对脑缺血再灌注大鼠脑组织的二醛（MDA），谷胱甘肽（GSH）含量的影响，方法：用线栓法复制大鼠局灶性脑缺血模型，观察大鼠缺血2h再灌注后24h脑组织MDA，GSH的含量，结果：电针预处理能够显降低脑缺血再灌注大鼠脑组织MDA的含量（P＜0．01），同时GSH含量有升高趋势（P＞0．05），结论：电针预处理可以抑制大鼠脑缺血再灌注过程中自由基的生成，增强自由基清除力，从而起到抗脑缺血再灌注引起的自由基损伤，实现对中枢神经元的保护作用。     

生殖健康领域的社会性别需求分析--基于社会性别需求分析框架及计划生育优质服务项目县的调查

本文基于伦敦大学发展研究部修正的社会性别需求理论,利用典型组专题讨论方法,分别从服务提供层角度和服务对象角度调查了服务对象在生殖健康领域的社会性别需求,包括现实性社会性别需求和战略性社会性别需求,分析了两种角度下服务对象的社会性别需求在本质上的一致性,提出应将两者结合起来全面考察服务对象在生殖健康领域的社会性别需求,并将该思路体现在计划生育优质服务工作中。     

我国西部以大开放促大开发的战略构想

我国在西部大开发中,应实施"东合西展、南下北上、扩大开放、促进开发"的战略构想,以大开放促大开发,以同东部和中部地区的经贸合作为重点,全方位、多层次、宽领域地对外开放,以进出口商品结构的调整和优化,带动产业结构的调整和优化,以引进外资和对外投资的扩大,促进重点产业的发展和进出口的扩大,这是实现西部大开发各项战略目标的保证.     

Iran's Tortuous Path Toward “Islamic Liberalism”

This article provides an overview of the intellectual and sociopolitical roots of Iran's tortuous path toward Islamic liberalism and reform. It analyzes the shift in the ideological orientation of a major faction within the political elite from a radical to a relatively moderate and liberal interpretation of Islam. The authors trace the roots of this ideological shift to a series of political developments since the triumph of the Islamic revolution in 1979, including various failures of the revolutionary regime to fulfill its populist and egalitarian promises; a considerable erosion in the legitimacy of the ruling clerics; the successful (though largely silent) resistance of the youth and women against the culturally restrictive policies of the Islamic Republic; the rise of a distinctly anti-fundamentalist, liberal-reformist interpretation of Islam by a number of Iranian theologians and religious intellectuals; and the precipitous decline in the popularity of revolutionary ideas in the 1990s. In spite of the increasing appeal of liberal-democratic ideas of individual freedom, pluralism, and political tolerance in the new reform movement and the overwhelming endorsement of these ideas in four recent national elections, including two presidential polls, the authors argue that the movement has had but a limited and, for the most part symbolic, influence on Iran's objective, and still repressive, political conditions.     

A Bloodless Guerrilla Warfare: Why U.S. White Leftists Renounced Violence Against People During the 1970s

Between 1968 and the late 1970s, a significant number of U.S. white leftist groups escalated their protest to armed struggle. After experimenting briefly with violence, they opted for low-intensity armed propaganda that targeted property and avoided hurting people. By contrast, European leftist groups and anti-colonial organizations in the U.S. made extensive use of antipersonnel violence. Why did U.S. leftists eschew attacks against civilians? Scholarship does not explain this case, as it focuses either on the internal dynamics of a single group or on structural variables. Conversely, this article addresses this question through a historical reconstruction and a multilevel analysis. The research identifies the critique and ensuing de-solidarization by the radical milieu as the main factor accounting for the restraint of violence. This article demonstrates that the radical milieu censored and isolated armed groups as soon as they escalated and began to endanger human lives. Therefore, in order to safeguard the solidarity pact with their constituencies, violent fringes moderated their repertoires of action. This article employs primary sources and original interviews with militants to support this claim and to assess the relevance of three concurrent factors: the trauma generated by the “townhouse incident,” the deterrence by law enforcement, and the militants’ socio-economic background.     

“And focused upon victims’ needs”: towards an assessment of the victim-friendly principles of restorative justice practice

Scholars and policy-makers typically laud restorative justice as being ‘victim-friendly’ in its rules and practices. High levels of victim satisfaction with its outcomes are put forward to substantiate this claim. However, there has been little research that engages with the constitutive role of restorative justice in shaping conceptions of identities, practices and needs. To address this gap, this article develops an analytic framework through which to assess the victim-friendly approach of restorative justice processes across social and legal contexts. In so doing, it engages with three key elements of restorative justice processes: firstly, how this justice approach conceives victims; secondly, how it shapes its practices (and not just outcomes) to address their concerns; and thirdly, how it responds to individual needs. The paper argues that engagement with the constitutive processes can bring a fresh perspective to the relationship between victims and restorative justice.