The paradox of nationalism: The common denominator of radical right and radical left euroscepticism

What can explain the strong euroscepticism of radical parties of both the right and the left? This article argues that the answer lies in the paradoxical role of nationalism as a central element in both party families, motivating opposition towards European integration. Conventionally, the link between nationalism and euroscepticism is understood solely as a prerogative of radical right‐wing parties, whereas radical left‐wing euroscepticism is associated with opposition to the neoliberal character of the European Union. This article contests this view. It argues that nationalism cuts across party lines and constitutes the common denominator of both radical right‐wing and radical left‐wing euroscepticism. It adopts a mixed‐methods approach, combining intensive case study analysis with quantitative analysis of party manifestos. First, it traces the link between nationalism and euroscepticism in Greece and France in order to demonstrate the internal validity of the argument. It then undertakes a cross‐country statistical estimation to assess the external validity of the argument and its generalisability across Europe.     

Preventing Homelessness for System‐Involved Youth

Too many youth and young adults find themselves on the streets, couch‐surfing with friends, in emergency shelters or worse, after exiting the child welfare and juvenile justice systems. In some circumstances, youth have had court hearings until their exit from the legal system, but those hearings have not focused on long‐range plans of youth and emergencies youth may encounter. In other circumstances, there has been little or no planning prior to discharge, especially for young people who leave the juvenile justice system. Courts can and should prevent, alleviate or end youth homelessness for youth who appear before them through strategies that are enumerated in the recently‐passed NCJFCJ resolution. This article expounds on three of these strategies – coordinating transition and re‐entry plans, insisting on effective legal representation of youth, and utilizing sound judicial leadership. It also describes the concurrent efforts of the Coalition for Juvenile Justice and the American Bar Association's Homeless Youth Legal Network to remove legal barriers and improve outcomes for youth and young adults experiencing homelessness.     

浅析“热钱”流入对我国货币政策的影响和建议

中国是一个发展中的大国,需要一个相对稳定的国际国内金融环境,中国经济的稳定发展对亚洲和世界具有积极意义。“热钱”流入对我国经济的均衡发展、国际收支平衡、人民币汇率稳定及货币政策宏观调控的效果带来一定影响。因此,必须从我国实际出发,实行以市场供求为基础的、有管理的浮动汇率制度,继续保持人民币汇率稳定,积极探索完善人民币汇率形成机制,采取多种措施改善国际收支平衡状况,促进经济内外协调发展。     

关于流浪儿童的需求及其服务模式的评估报告——对北京市未成年人救助保护中心志愿服务的评估分析

评估表明,流浪儿童在救助中心的需求是多方面的,除了吃住等需求外,他们还有心理健康需求、受教育的需求、回归与发展的需求。专业社工志愿者的介入提升了救助中心的整体服务品质,流浪儿童的心理状况得到改善,不良行为与习惯明显减少。今后应进一步完善评估体系,加强评估工作的理论建设,推动未成年人救助保护工作的制度性创新。     

Developmental Differences in Adolescents’ and Young Adults’ Use of Mothers, Fathers, Best Friends, and Romantic Partners to Fulfill Attachment Needs

Adolescents and young adults (three age groups: 12–15, 16–19, and 20–28 years) reported their use of parents, and peers to fulfill attachment functions (proximity-seeking, safe haven, and secure base.) The use of each target figure varied with age and attachment function. Mothers were an important source of security across this age range. They were used as secure base consistently more than fathers or peers for all age groups, and regardless of whether or not participants had romantic partners; but were used less for proximity and safe haven by the two older groups. Best friends were used most and more than others as a safe haven; but were used less by young adults (vs. early adolescents) and by older adolescents with romantic partners. Romantic partners were used most and more than others for proximity; but were used less by early adolescents than by older participants. Fathers were selected less than other targets for all attachment functions. Those with romantic partners turned to them more than to others, and young adults selected their romantic partners as much as friends for safe haven. Those insecurely attached to mother turned to her less and to romantic partners more than did those securely attached. Implications for developmental changes in adolescent attachments are discussed. Professor of Psychology and Applied Human Sciences, Concordia University. Received PhD in social psychology from Ohio State University. Research interests include close interpersonal relationships and adjustment. Received MA in social/developmental psychology from Wilfrid Laurier University. Research interests include attachment and well-being in adolescence Received PhD in developmental psychology from Stanford University. Research interests include parenting, attachment, and adjustment in adolescence Received BA in Psychology (Honors) from Concordia University. Research interests include romantic relationships in adolescence     

社会工作研究的本土化:实践、反思与启示

社会工作研究的本土化是社会工作本土化的重要组成部分。在总结西方社会工作知识体系基础上建立起来的“理念-伦理-人类多元化-理论架构-研究方法”分析框架,对于反思本土化的大陆社会工作研究和实践有重要作用,应当予以关注。     

获利与归属:我国企业职工的持股心理

职工持股是企业职工通过拥有企业的股票 ,以劳动者和所有者的双重身份参与企业生产经营管理的一种制度。普通职工持股的心理是混杂着“投资人”的理性与社会人的情感要素的。理性的效益 ,使职工能时时关心企业的兴衰 ,始终注意为企业出谋划策 ;情感基础上建立的归属依赖关系 ,则会起着凝聚起职工的作用。它使职工对企业的归属、参与和责任有了可靠的物质基础和切入点 ,普通职工持股制度的设计与实施 ,必须对其实质及其适应性有充分的认识 ,并寻求能与其结合的具有内在性的制度依据     

Dealing with populists in government: the SYRIZA-ANEL coalition in Greece

ABSTRACT

The Great Recession triggered an unprecedented level of political turmoil in Greece, leading to a major readjustment of the party system and the near disappearance of the once mighty socialists of PASOK. Gradually, SYRIZA – a radical-leftist-turned-populist party – rose to become the key electoral player under the aegis of its young and popular leader, Alexis Tsipras. SYRIZA eventually won two general elections in 2015 and ruled together with the populist radical right Independent Greeks (ANEL) as junior partner, a coalition of great analytical significance, representing the first ever governing alliance of left-wing and right-wing populist parties in Europe. This contribution investigates reactions to the SYRIZA-ANEL government, giving special emphasis to measures undertaken by domestic and external actors. A key finding that warrants further research is that, under the same conditions of economic crisis that bring populists to power, economic institutions and material constraints can play an important role in taming populist actors and socializing them into the standard rules of the liberal democratic regime.     

Banks and the Communities They Serve: Time to Legislate?

In March 2007 HM Treasury published its latest thoughts on Financial Inclusion (HM Treasury Financial inclusion: The way forward, 2007), highlighting that after 10 years of activity in this area there is still growing evidence that the market is not meeting everyone’s needs, with significant numbers of people not able to access basic financial services such as credit. This continues alongside media stories of further bank branch closures in some areas, branches for high income earners only in others and the continuing controversy surrounding charges. This article will, with reference to the UK government’s financial inclusion agenda assess whether the time has come to implement legislation mandating that UK credit institutions have regard to customers needs when making decisions that could affect those most at risk from restricted access to financial services. These needs can include both access to affordable credit and access to financial services, such as bank accounts. The paper will use as a comparator the much talked about United States Community Reinvestment Act, enacted in 1977 and since amended, hailed (Barr New York University Law Review 80:513, 2005) and criticised (Macey and Miller Virginia Law Review 78:291, 1993) in equal measures, designed to ensure that depository institutions meet the credit needs of the communities they serve, particularly low and moderate income areas. Although not designed to tackle the perceived problems identified by the UK government, would enactment of similar legislation do more to achieve these aims that the activities undertaken so far. The article proposes that one way in which to improve the fight against financial exclusion is to improve the disclosure requirements of financial institutions, forcing them, where necessary, to provide data on lending patterns in disadvantaged areas.

Institutional Agonism: Axel Honneth’s Radical Democracy*

Axel Honneth may be criticised for reducing political philosophy to moral psychology. In what follows, I argue that if his theory of recognition is reframed as one of democracy, quite another picture will appear. To do this, I systematically reconstruct Honneth’s stance as a multidimensional version of radical democracy. The question I discuss is the manner in which this framework combines the three dimensions of democratic deliberation, culture, and conflict. I then discuss Honneth’s picture from both a deliberative and agonistic viewpoint. How one understands the way in which he combines the abovementioned dimensions is dependent upon which one of these two approaches one may choose. I claim that when taken together, these three dimensions form the grounding of a radical-democratic understanding of a struggle for recognition, which I term institutional agonism.