践行科学发展观,遵循"以人为本"发展社会主义文化

我们当前提出社会主义文化大发展大繁荣，提出建设社会主义先进文化，特别是十七大提出增强文化“软实力”。但是，我国的文化发展也面临一系列的难题与挑战，如传统文化如何尽快实现现代化，如何更好地融合本土文化与外来文化，特别是马克思主义的中国化。此外，还要面对文化全球化的冲击；实现文化的现代化的同时还要考虑如何摆脱文化的过度被同化导致的文化丰富性减弱等问题。面对诸多问题，如何更好地发展社会主义文化？最根本的原则就是遵循“以人为本”。     

北京国企职工心态调查

本文依据一项抽样问卷调查的部分调查结果 ,对国有企业职工的心态进行了分析。调查发现 ,国企职工最关注的是自身的经济利益 ;他们把包括社会安全和工作稳定在内的安全需要摆在十分重要的位置 ;一些国有企业职工存在失落感。充分考虑国有企业职工的基本社会需求 ,妥善安排他们的社会生活 ,是国有企业体制改革、平稳、顺利发展的基本保障。     

构建和谐课堂才能真正做到服务民生

教育是民生之基，课堂教学是服务民生的直接途径。教学要充分体现公平性与公益性，要面向全体学生，满足每个学生不同的学习需求；要树立科学的教育理念，遵照学生认知规律、成长规律，努力营造有利于学生成长和发展的教学环境，使教学真正做到为学生的学习、成长和发展服务；认真落实以人为本的科学发展观，以教学促进学生全面发展，为构建和谐社会服务。     

满足公安实践需求的公安技术课程教学改革研究

公安技术是公安工作的重要组成部分,随着社会的发展,犯罪分子作案手段日益隐蔽,实践中对公安技术的依赖越来越重,公安技术课程的改革研究势在必行。本文在广泛调查研究并翻阅大量资料的基础上,找出了现阶段公安技术课程教学中存在的问题,并提出了教学改革的方向。     

大众民主何以可能：一种现实主义民主观的审视

对于现代大众大规模地走向政治公共领域，西方理论界存在着现实主义和激进主义的观念分化。其中，现实主义民主观看到了大众民主的限度，即大众的非理性、群众煽动家的操控和大众治理资质的贫乏。历史与现实都可以证实，对大众民主的这种批判有其合理的成分。对此，我们在思考大众民主之可能性时，需要解决如下基本的认知问题，即防范民粹主义倾向，建立民主规则共识，培养大众开明理解力。     

Rural Versus Urban Victims of Violence: The Interplay of Race and Region

This paper examines individuals who were victims of domestic violence in Illinois between 1990 and 1995, comparing the traits and service needs of those who received assistance in an urban county over the 5-year period with those who were served by domestic violence programs in rural areas. Analysis focuses on the demographic characteristics of clients in each region, their relationship to the abuser, type of abuse, referral source, and need for both concrete and supportive services. In addition to looking at variations by region, analysis examines differences between African American and White clients within and across geographic areas so that the interaction of race and location is highlighted. Results indicate that apart from demographic differences related to race, there is little difference in the circumstances of abuse when victims in the urban region are compared to rural victims of violence. However, those in rural environments regardless of race, have more service needs. Differences in service needs also exist in relation to race, and for some services, both race and location are important. The implications of these findings for policy, practice, and future research are examined.     

Production of Scientific Knowledge and Radical Uncertainty: The Limits of the Normative Approach in Innovation Economics

The aim of this article is to explain that, in the context of the production of scientific knowledge, it is logically impossible to define some institutional structures enabling the maximization of the social surplus.Our argumentation relies on the theory of Popper according to which it is impossible to anticipate the result of a given process of production of scientific knowledge. Consequently, we conclude that it is impossible to compare the respective efficiencies of alternative structures of production of scientific knowledge.The document consists in a critical review ofthe literature in economics of innovation and knowledge. JEL Classification: D8, L1, O3     

Abortion Needs or Abortion Rights? Claiming State Accountability for Women’s Reproductive Welfare

The Family Planning Association Northern Ireland (F.P.A.N.I.) has recently been successful in holding the state accountable for its duty to safeguard women’s reproductive health and welfare, and clarify the circumstances in which abortion is lawful. By demanding that the Minister for Health investigate abortion provision and produce abortion guidance, F.P.A.N.I. hope to improve the quality of abortion services and alleviate the situation of those women who are legally entitled to abortion in Northern Ireland but cannot access it there. This action has challenged a public failure which impacts most negatively on those women who cannot easily escape its effects. Although the case succeeded in shaming the state for such a failure, the judicial review strategy could not challenge the legal ethos which denies women a say over their reproductive lives. This case commentary argues that pro-choice strategic litigation needs to positively and generally assert women’s reproductive rights at the same time as it seeks to accommodate the needs of the most vulnerable.     

DEVELOPMENT AND FRACTURE OF A DISCIPLINE: LEGACIES OF THE SCHOOL OF CRIMINOLOGY AT BERKELEY

In the early twentieth century, the University of California—Berkeley opened its doors to police professionals for instruction in “police science.” This program ultimately developed into the full‐fledged School of Criminology, whose graduates helped shape American criminology and criminal justice until well into the 1970s. Scholarship at the School of Criminology eventually fractured into three distinct traditions: “Administrative criminology” applied scientific methods in pursuit of refining law enforcement practices, “law and society” coupled legal scholarship with social scientific methods, and “radical criminology” combined Marxist critiques of the state with community activism. Those scientific traditions relied on competing epistemic premises and normative aspirations, and they drew legitimacy from different sources. Drawing on oral histories and archival data permits a neo‐institutional analysis of how each of these criminological traditions emerged, acquired stability, and subsided. The Berkeley School of Criminology provides fertile ground to examine trends in the development of criminal justice as a profession, criminology as a discipline and its place in elite universities, the uncoupling of criminology from law and society scholarship, and criminal justice policy's disenchantment with the academy. These legacies highlight how the development of modern criminology and the professionalization of American law enforcement find precedent in events that originate at Berkeley.     

Russia and its supporters in Europe: trans-ideology à la carte?

The impact of crisis in Ukraine on EU–Russia relations appears twofold. On the one hand, it revealed the high degree of disdain all across Europe to Moscow's neo-imperial approach. On the other hand, it unveiled a great deal of affection and sympathy to Kremlin's policy among a number of non-mainstream but significant groups within the EU. In this article, we mirror the major troubles of today’s Europe, as seen from Moscow’s perspective, with four nodal points of the Kremlin’s hegemonic discourse: social conservatism, nation state-based policies, independence from the US influence and the glorification of Russia’s self-inflicted mission of fighting contemporary neo-fascism. Our analysis of non-mainstream political parties in EU member states, sensitive and responsive to the Kremlin’s agenda, suggests that Putin's regime and Russia sympathizers in Europe pragmatically use each other, thereby challenging the classical ideological paradigms. This translates Russia’s policies into a trans-ideological repertoire of different discourses that differently resonate among the groups of Russia sympathizers.