论与需求层次相结合的人力资源管理

根据与需求层次相结合的人力资源管理理论,当员工处在不同层次的需求上时,组织就要相应实施不同层次的激励和管理。随着人性需求的扩张,管理的层次也随之升华,在经历过以物质为手段的经济管理、以情感为方法的精神管理之后,人力资源管理达到文化管理的最高境界,真正实现用理念、使命、氛围来达到组织目标与个人目标的一致性。     

邓小平经济伦理思想新探

以人为本是邓小平经济伦理思想的核心,和谐发展是邓小平经济伦理思想的精神实质,经济公正是邓小平经济伦理思想的根本原则,人的发展是邓小平经济伦理思想的终极目标。     

我国加入WTO及对甘肃工业引智的思考

中国加入WTO ,为甘肃省工业引智提供了前所未有的条件。要振兴甘肃经济 ,首先要振兴甘肃工业 ,要振兴甘肃工业 ,就要强化工业智力储备。如何抓住这次机遇 ,是甘肃经济腾飞的关键。     

狂蝇蛆病对驯鹿体内抗氧化系统的影响

为探讨驯鹿狂蝇蛆病与机体氧自由基代谢的关系,分别对感染驯鹿和健康驯鹿血清中的微量元素硒(Se)、锌(Zn)、铜(Cu)、谷胱甘肽过氧化物酶(GSH-Px)、超氧化物歧化酶(SOD)、铜锌超氧化物歧化酶(CuZn-SOD)、过氧化氢酶(CAT)和脂质过氧化终末产物丙二醛(MDA)的含量进行了测定。结果表明,感染组驯鹿血清Se含量极显著低于对照组(P<0.01),而血清Zn、Cu含量差异不显著;感染组驯鹿血清GSH-Px活性极显著低于对照组(P<0.01);SOD活性显著低于对照组(P<0.05),CuZn-SOD显著低于对照组(P<0.05);CAT活性差异不显著;MDA含量显著高于对照组(P<0.05)。表明机体患病后产生大量氧自由基,导致抗氧化能力降低,引发脂质过氧化损伤。     

Varieties of Radicalism: Examining the Diversity of Radical Left Parties and Voters in Western Europe

Radical left parties (RLPs) are diverse and several RLP subtypes have been distinguished in the literature. However, the degree to which these subtypes are linked to significantly different policy proposals has not been analysed, and little is known about whether subtypes are associated with differences in their respective voters’ characteristics. This article analyses the policy positions of RLPs across a number of issues, using manifesto and expert survey data, allowing insights into the differentiation between types of RLPs. RLPs differ in the extent to which they adopt New Politics issues, and the article proposes a classification of Traditional and New Left RLPs. Using cross-national survey data from the European Election Studies series and multilevel multinomial models, the article examines the ideological, policy and social differences in the electorates of the various types of RLPs. It finds socio-demographic and attitudinal differences between the voters of Traditional and New Left RLPs that are consistent with the programmatic differences of the parties.     

Thinking with Flint: Racial Liberalism and the Roots of an American Water Tragedy

The lead poisoning of Flint, Michigan’s water is popularly framed as a case of “environmental racism” given that Flint’s population is mostly black and lower income. In this essay I argue that we see the environmental racism that underlies Flint’s water poisoning not as incidental to our political-economic order, nor even as stemming from racist intent, but as inseparable from liberalism, an organizing logic we take for granted in our modern age. I expand on the idea of “racial liberalism” here. While upholding the promise of individual freedoms and equality for all, racial liberalism—particularly as it was translated into urban renewal and property making in mid-20th-century urban America—drove dispossession. In Flint racialized property dispossession has been one major factor underlying the city’s financial duress, abandonment, and poisoned infrastructure. Yet, through austerity discourse, Flint is disciplined as if it were a financially reckless individual while the structural and historical causes of its duress are masked. Tracing the history of property making and taking in Flint and the effects of austerity urbanism on its water infrastructure, my central argument is that our understanding of Flint’s predicament—the disproportionate poisoning of young African-Americans—can be deepened if we read it as a case of racial liberalism’s illiberal legacies.     

Different Types of Right-Wing Populist Discourse in Government and Opposition: The Case of Italy

Does right-wing populist discourse change when parties move from opposition to government? How do different ideological types of right-wing populist parties express this discourse? Through an analysis of the Lega Nord and Forza Italia/Popolo della Libertà between 2006 and 2013, we find that while the switch to office does bring some changes, the main elements of their populist discourse remain largely the same. We also show how their respective emphases on ‘elites’ and ‘others’ distinguish the parties: FI/PDL focuses overwhelmingly on ‘elites’ while the LN places similar emphasis on both ‘elites’ and ‘others’.     

Support for radical left ideologies in Europe

This article examines support for radical left ideologies in 32 European countries. It thus extends the relatively scant empirical research available in this field. The hypotheses tested are derived mainly from group‐interest theory. Data are deployed from the 2002–2010 European Social Surveys (N = 174,868), supplemented by characteristics at the country level. The results show that, also in the new millennium, unemployed people and those with a lower income are more likely to support a radical left ideology. This is only partly explained by their stronger opinion that governments should take measures to reduce income differences. In contrast to expectations, the findings show that greater income inequality within a country is associated with reduced likelihood of an individual supporting a radical left ideology. Furthermore, cross‐national differences in the likelihood of supporting the radical left are strongly associated with whether a country has a legacy of an authoritarian regime.     

空巢老人现象归因分析及获取幸福感的对策研究——以江苏省常州市为例

近年来,随着老龄化程度加快、平均寿命的延长、家庭结构核心化和小型化的变化、城市现代化的快速发展,我国空巢老人数量呈现逐年增长的加剧趋势,空巢老人现象如雨后春笋般凸显。空巢老人的成因有个人、家庭、社会等多方面因素,这三方面也就是微观、中观、宏观因素。中国的养老问题是一个动态的发展过程,家庭照顾功能逐渐弱化,社区照顾正在逐渐兴起,但社区照顾尚未成熟,还在探索及发展阶段,在中观、宏观都欠佳的状况下,抓住微观——空巢老人"自身照顾"显得尤为重要。