Why Subjectivity Matters: Critical Theory and the Philosophy of the Subject

Abstract

In this paper it is argued that Habermas' critique of German Idealism is misguided and that his rejection of the philosophy of the subject is unjustified. Critical Theory needs to recognise the importance of subjectivity for all social philosophy if its theoretical aims are to be achieved. In order to demonstrate the relevance of subjectivity to Critical Theory the essay draws on analytic philosophy of mind and on the work of Manfred Frank and Dieter Henrich.     

警察武力之善法良治——论警察武力法的正义价值标准

警察武力法的正义价值标准由标示正义价值方向的基本理念和标示正义价值尺度的基本原则两项基本要件分级承担并贯彻。中国警察武力法有:社会正义与法律正义有机统一、保权与控权有机统一和价值、规范、事实有机统一三个居位"法上之法"的基本理念和危害行为与武力行为法定、危害行为与武力行为相当、武力行为克减和多样化和正当程序四个居位"法上之法"的基本原则。上述基本理念和基本原则,对系统理解、把握中国警察使用武力的基本原则和构成要件、各种规范的内在关连性,以及构思未来的、"应然"的中国警察武力立法具有不可或缺的重要意义。     

Civil society and state-centred struggles

This article is about civil society and state-centred struggles in contemporary Zimbabwe. I first identify and outline three current understandings of civil society. Two understandings (one Liberal, one Radical) are state-centric and exist firmly within the logic of state discourses and state politics. A third understanding, also Radical, is society-centric and speaks about politics existing at a distance from the state and possibly beyond the boundaries of civil society. This civil society-state discussion frames the second section of the article, which looks specifically at Zimbabwe. It details civil society as contested terrain (from the late 1990s onwards) within the context of a scholarly debate about agrarian transformation and political change. This debate, which reproduces (in theoretical garb) the key political society (or party) fault-lines within Zimbabwean society, has taken place primarily within the restricted confines of state-centred discourses.     

中国特色社会主义工会建设之理论基础初探——劳动哲学论纲

需要一种中介和桥梁,把马克思主义的普遍真理和中国工会的具体实践连接起来,把马克思主义的世界观、价值观和方法论,与工会学、劳动关系学等具体的有关工人阶级和工会的社会科学连接起来。劳动哲学就是这样一种中介和桥梁。     

理想图景与正义问题——《中国法学向何处去》读后

通过对中国法学自1978年以来26年间的这一个时代的批判,邓正来提出了一种以社会秩序的建构及其正当性为核心问题的中国法律哲学观,其任务是建构一种"中国法律理想图景".以"中国法学向何处去"为主题的系列论文,不仅强调了世界结构是这种法律哲学观的历史性条件,还隐含着建构"中国法律理想图景"必须考虑的三类正义问题.     

中国法学"现代化范式"之关系主义批判——评《中国法学向何处去》

邓正来教授试图凭借"中国法律理想图景"经由关系主义视角来探究和处理"应然"与"实然"、中国与西方、中华民族与世界结构的关系.然而,将关系主义批判的研究方法运用到中国法律哲学批判和建构这一研究对象上来的时候,邓正来可能会夸大一些问题,甚至可能遮蔽一些问题.我们必须在开放和厘清上述问题的基础上建构21世纪的中国法律哲学.     

无言大地的生命悲歌——浅谈莫言作品的主题蕴含

莫言的作品在历史背景下述说着中华民族的过往,它能深入到我们选择性遗忘的历史图景让我们在其作品的死亡意识和生殖崇拜下去解读莫言及其作品的生命意识,他以鲜明的色彩,大胆的叙述去体悟大地民间的生命强力,莫言代大地立言,去为失去话语权的人们唱响生命的悲歌。     

Demonisation and electoral support for populist radical right parties: A temporary effect

Since the 1980s, Western Europe has experienced the surge of populist radical right parties. In an attempt to ward off these electoral newcomers, established parties have pursued strategies of disengagement, such as exclusion and de-legitimisation. This study examines the electoral effects of an excessive form of de-legitimisation, which we label ‘demonisation’. We estimate the effects of demonisation on electoral support for the Dutch Freedom Party (PVV) and its predecessor Groep Wilders. Time series analyses show that demonisation has a negative effect on electoral support, but only for Groep Wilders. Once the populist radical right party has made a successful entry into the party system, demonisation does not have its intended consequences.     

Gender,populist attitudes,and voting: explaining the gender gap in voting for populist radical right and populist radical left parties

Empirical studies have demonstrated that compared to almost all other parties, populist radical right (PRR) parties draw more votes from men than from women. However, the two dominant explanations that are generally advanced to explain this disparity – gender differences regarding socio-economic position and lower perceptions regarding the threat of immigrants – cannot fully explain the difference. The article contends that it might actually be gender differences regarding the conceptualisation of society and politics – populist attitudes – that explain the gender gap. Thus, the gap may be due, in part, to differences in socialisation. The article analyses EES 2014 data on voting for the populist radical right and the populist radical left in nine European countries. Across countries, the gender gap in voting for the PRR is indeed partly explained by populist attitudes. For populist radical left parties, the results are less clear, suggesting that populism has different meanings to voters on the left and on the right.     

How people organise cultural attitudes: cultural belief systems and the populist radical right

Political scientists generally agree that all individuals structure their cultural attitudes in the same unidimensional fashion. However, various populist radical right parties remarkably combine moral progressiveness with conservatism regarding immigration-related issues. This suggests that the structuring of cultural attitudes among the electorate may also be more complex than typically assumed. Applying Correlational Class Analysis to representative survey data, the study uncovers three cultural belief systems. For individuals adhering to an integrated one, all cultural attitudes are interdependent, as typically assumed. However, two alternative belief systems are also uncovered: intermediate and partitioned. In the latter, positions on one cultural attitude (e.g. ethnocentrism) are barely related to positions on others (e.g. rejecting Islam or opposing homosexuality). The existence of multiple cultural belief systems challenges the widely held assumption that all people organise their cultural attitudes similarly. Both political party agendas and individuals’ education level and religion appear key to understanding variation in belief systems.