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241.
Recent scholarship on the populist radical right tends to imprecisely describe the welfare agenda of this party family with reference to its key ideological characteristics of nativism, authoritarianism, and populism. We propose an alternative analytical framework that considers the multidimensionality of welfare state positions and the “deservingness criteria” that underlie ideas about welfare entitlement. Applying this framework to a sample of four European populist radical right parties, we conclude that three interrelated frames inform their welfare agenda. These parties, we argue, advocate social closure not only on the basis of the deservingness criterion of identity (welfare chauvinism), but also on criteria of control, attitude, and reciprocity (welfare producerism) and on an antagonism between the people and the establishment (welfare populism). Understanding the welfare agenda of the populist radical right requires us to move beyond welfare chauvinism and to reconsider the concept of welfare producerism and its interaction with welfare chauvinism.  相似文献   
242.
李勇 《桂海论丛》2006,22(5):28-30
哲学诠释学注重真理反对方法,张扬诠释反对认知。然而,其理论体系的建构本身却没有逃脱一定方法的支撑,并且它从某种程度上也给我们提供了一定的方法论基础,这种主观态度与现实的差异无疑给其带来了多重困境。鉴于此,当代国内外诸多诠释学家与研究者们在反思、批判的基础上进行了融合诠释学视域中的本体论、认识论与方法论以及统一诠释与认知的有效尝试。  相似文献   
243.
程乃胜 《河北法学》2006,24(12):2-10
庞德的<法理学>(第1卷)主要研究了什么是"法理学".在体系内,他阐述了"法律"、"法律研究的目的"、"法学研究的方法"、"社会学法学体系"等内容,对我国的法理学体系的构建和中国法理学的发展,特别是对于解决法理学与法律实践的脱节问题,具有重要的启发和借鉴意义.  相似文献   
244.
Charismatic leaders are often assumed to drive the electoral success of populist radical right parties. Yet, little attention is given to how voter evaluations of leaders influence individual voting behavior. To our knowledge, no systematic and comparative tests of this empirical question exist. In this paper, we test to what extent voters’ support for populist radical right parties is fueled by leaders' appreciation. In order to examine leader effects on the populist radical right vote, we rely on an original dataset pooling 29 National Election Studies from ten established West European parliamentary democracies (1985‐2018). Our analysis finds that: (1) voters’ evaluation of party leaders is significantly associated with voting for populist radical right parties; (2) leader evaluations are more important than left‐right self‐placement when it comes to voting for the populist radical right, and (3) leader effects are more important for populist radical right voters than for other voters.  相似文献   
245.
How do the economic effects of immigration affect radical right support? The evidence in support of the labour market competition theory — which posits that the economic threat posed by immigration to jobs and wages leads to radical right voting — has been mixed. On the one hand, individual-level surveys underreport economic drivers because of social desirability bias. On the other hand, contextual studies show contradictory findings due to an over-reliance on units of analysis that are too aggregated to meaningfully capture the competitive threat posed by immigrants. This paper identifies the influence of labour market competition on radical right voting at a local level in contexts where native workers are directly affected by the arrival of immigrants who have similar or higher skillsets. Using an original longitudinal dataset of fine-grained municipal electoral, demographic and economic data from France over the 2002–2017 period, the paper provides empirical evidence of local contextual influences of economic competition between natives and immigrants of any skillset. Under local conditions of material deprivation, measured by the local unemployment rate, the effect of labour market competition on municipalities’ radical right vote share is amplified. Moreover, higher radical right support is observed in municipalities with a higher share of any one of the following groups: low-skilled natives, medium-skilled immigrants or high-skilled immigrants. This supports the hypothesis that immigrants with higher qualifications are compelled to accept lower-skilled jobs, and are thus perceived as a competitive threat to low-skilled natives. By reconciling radical right contextual studies and research on the political economy of immigration policies, this paper highlights the importance of a local analysis in detecting the effect of labour market competition on radical right support. This paper also explains why some local areas are more prone to radical right support than others over time.  相似文献   
246.
Professional education has for decades been based on the premise that theory and practice are dichotomous, and that somehow a way must be found to enable professional practitioners to translate theory (the knowledge they acquire) into practice (what they actually do). The article examines the relationship between theory and practice, contending that theory and practice are the same, and proposes a model of professional education based on this premise. Based primarily on hermeneutic philosophy, a number of approaches to professional education are described that are quite different than those generally employed today.  相似文献   
247.
In the literature, explanations of support for populist radical right (PRR) parties usually focus on voters’ socio-structural grievances, political discontent or policy positions. This article suggests an additional and possibly overarching explanation: societal pessimism. The central argument is that the nostalgic character of PRR ideology resonates with societal pessimism among its voters. Using European Social Survey data from 2012, the study compares levels of societal pessimism among PRR, radical left, mainstream left and mainstream right (MR) voters in eight European countries. The results show that societal pessimism is distributed in a tilted U-curve, with the highest levels indeed observed among PRR voters, followed by radical left voters. Societal pessimism increases the chance of a PRR vote (compared to a MR vote) controlling for a range of established factors. Further analyses show that societal pessimism is the only attitude on which MR and PRR voters take opposite, extreme positions. Finally, there is tentative evidence that societal pessimism is channelled through various more specific ideological positions taken by PRR voters, such as opposition to immigration.  相似文献   
248.
In this paper I explore the situation of feminist academics, positing a tension between the demands of feminist research and the norms of academia. Feminist research, I suggest, may be subject to de-legitimisation on the grounds of supposed lack of objectivity, to marginalisation from the main body of a discipline and to conceptual hostility when operating within the main body of a discipline. I then show that the situation of feminist academics can be conceptualised as a double bind: a set of circumstances in which an agent is given a set of competing demands, with no possibility of receiving clarification as to which demands to pursue. I argue that this interpretation of the situation of feminist academics is helpful because it prompts constructive ways of thinking. It encourages feminist academics to adopt a non-judgemental attitude towards ourselves and towards others, and it reminds us to fix our sights on long-term strategies. These suggestions in turn lead me to urge a renewed solidarity between feminists in academia. The form of solidarity I advocate is action based and inclusive, spanning disciplines, genders and research specialisms. Such solidarity can enable positive responses to the double bind facing feminist academics.  相似文献   
249.
排污权交易制度是经济法与环境法中一项新兴的法律制度,其中包容了经济法学、环境法学、法经济学等多门学科理论知识。阐述排污权交易制度所体现的经济法理念——可持续发展理念,以及从科斯定理等法经济学角度分析,有利于探讨在我国建立排污权交易法律制度的可能。  相似文献   
250.
当代西方哲学的第一个特质是"英雄时代"的结束,"大哲学家"、"天才哲学家"独自沿着一个纲领、一个方向构造哲学体系已不可能.当代西方哲学的第二个特质是认为哲学就是对大家习以为常的习惯、所遵循的那些基本原则进行理性的审查活动,从宏观的方法来分析,可以分为修辞学论理哲学和逻辑论证的哲学.当代西方哲学的第三个特质是研究哲学的人有哲学家和哲学史家两种,前者追求普遍性的哲学方法,后者追求特殊性的历史的方法.  相似文献   
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