民主管理是企业管理的重要内容

民主管理并非是游离于企业管理之外的管理,它是随着企业管理的发展而呈现的必然要求。在企业管理的对象、范围、方法、目标、基础和趋势等六方面,强调以人为中心的管理,即强调人的作用的发挥在企业管理中的重要作用。实践证明,高度集中的行政指挥,只有建立在决策民主化的基础上才有真正的权威性。因为民主管理是企业实行科学管理的基础和保证。企业民主管理是现代企业管理的大势所趋和重要内容。     

关于完善教代会制度的思考

教代会制度是高校民主管理的基本形式。完善教代会制度,首先要加强党的领导,动员教职员工依法进行民主管理和民主监督,逐步规范教代会工作程序,充分发挥教代会作用。     

关于非公有制企业的职工民主管理

非公有制经济在我国已经有了极大的发展,如何在这类企业中维护职工的合法权益是工会组织必须面对的问题。国内外的成功经验表明,企业职工民主管理是保障工人权益,调整劳资关系的良好途径,工会组织应当深入地进行探索。     

芳林公园的进一步开放与新加坡民主政治发展趋势

2008年8月初,李显龙在国庆群众大会上表示,新加坡政府有意开放政治言论空间,以让新加坡人及年轻网民有更大的参与感,宣布开放芳林公园为自由进行户外示威的场所,以让国人多一个表达意见的空间.芳林公园的进一步开放对新加坡的民主进程应该是一种良好的发展.任何有政治意识的新加坡人可以针对国家和民生的各种问题提出建设性意见和看法,这样可以鼓励更多的新加坡人出来参与政治.当然,此次开放也是有限度的,在芳林公园演说角以外的地方举行示威活动仍然不被允许.新加坡政府宣布设立户外示威场所的做法,多少体现出新加坡回应来自国内外挑战的主动适应性.人民行动党政府的这一举措已经达到了活跃民主政治、进一步改善新加坡开放与国际大都会的形象、加强民意的疏通与反馈、展现政府的自信与亲民形象的目的.     

Strategic Alliances: State-Business Relations in Mexico Under Neo-Liberalism and Crisis

Abstract – This paper examines how neoliberal policies implemented under Carlos Salinas Gortari (1988–1994) changed the nature of state-private sector relations in Mexico. The paper attempts to show how Mexico's entry into the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) solidified a strategic alliance between the state and business. The drastic peso devaluation of December 1994 and the ensuing economic crisis however, threatened to shatter the very foundation of the new alliance with the private sector. This paper thus, explores how the Ernesto Zedillo regime (1994–2000) addressed the expectations of the capital class and strengthened its transparent ties with the private sector. The paper argues that given the nature of the more transparent strategic alliance formed under the Salinas administration, big business continues to be brought into the policy making process, and that in fact, Zedillo continues to intervene on the side of business.     

At Boiling Point: Like Water for Chocolate and the Boundaries of Mexican Identity

Abstract — This article explores the mechanisms of Mexican identity as they are constructed in Alfonso Arau's film Como agua para chocolate (1991) (Like Water for Chocolate). In re-designing the characters of Laura Esquivel's novel, Arau produces a range of filmic stereotypes drawn from both the Hollywood and the Mexican traditions of film-making. Through the careful manipulation of filmic devices such as editing, framing and close-ups, many of the features of Mexican otherness perpetuated by Hollywood throughout the twentieth century are inscribed. I apply the metaphor of boiling, derived from the film's title, to examine certain key concepts of cinematic 'mexicanness' including the tropes of 'revolution', 'border', 'race' and 'sex'. Crucial to this argument is a consideration of the contemporary political climate in which Like Water for Chocolate was both produced and released. In Mexico, it was released halfway through the sexenio (six-year period of rule) of President Carlos Salinas de Gortari's rule and is clearly one of the most succesful cultural products (and exports) of his government's now infamous rule. In the United States, the climate of anti-immigrant attitudes in 1992 and 1993 and the corresponding political tension provokes new readings of certain stereotypical images of Mexicans and mexicanness. It is the tension that is produced by the collision between these two contexts — cultural, political and ethnic — that forms the principal focus of discussion in this article.     

Introduction: The Future of British Political History

Politics and history are closely intertwined and historians play a vital role in British public life. Yet, British political history, which has a critical contribution to make for understanding British politics today, faces two urgent challenges. First, academic history has retreated from subjects that remain hugely popular in media and trade publishing and of interest to social scientists, such as the histories of political institutions and formal power structures. Second, political history is disconnected from innovative trends in the wider historiography of modern Britain. Combined, these issues leave political historians in an ambiguous position in relation to the wider field, to other academic disciplines and to contemporary political debates. After discussing these challenges, this introduction surveys this special issue, which reflects on what (if anything) is distinctive about political history as practised today, and what its contribution to historiography, social science and public life should be. It ends by posing key questions for historians of all methodological stripes who investigate Britain's political past.     

The Future of British Political History: Concluding Remarks

These concluding remarks reflect, in the light of the preceding articles, on two themes that recur throughout the collection. First, how can historians maintain an effective presence in public debate about politics in Britain? Second, how should political historians position themselves within the discipline, at a time when—it is suggested—political history is losing ground among British academic historians? It is argued here that, in each case, they should reflect on what they can most distinctively contribute, either as historians or as political historians; and that they should frame their interventions accordingly.     

Interrogating the Political Economy of Age

This article considers the argument by Tim Vlandas, in this issue, that an ageing electorate may undermine democracies’ ability to make the right economic choices. Vlandas suggests that the emergence of gerontocratic politics may give rise to ‘gerontonomia’: an economy run for the old, at the expense of younger generations and of future prosperity. However, evidence from the UK suggests a more mixed picture. Age-based voting patterns have been consequential around single issues, not least the 2016 Brexit referendum. However, voters’ interests in broad economic policy models are not easily reducible to age dynamics, and intergenerational politics are filtered through a set of normative and affective considerations beyond straightforward self-interest. Moreover, since the rational interests of different age groups do not speak for themselves, cueing by political elites is potentially significant and may be contributing to older voters’ relative tolerance of a poor economic record.