Terrorism and the media

The linguistic turn in political science is an important step toward more sophisticated political knowledge. Greater awareness of political language implies attention to words such as reason. Reason is central to modern political discourse because of its historical and cultural importance and because of the contemporary dominance of the rational choice paradigm. Reason the concept therefore justifies closer scrutiny of reason the word. The meaning of reason is constructed as a variable. Standing by itself, reason seems relatively shapeless and empty; dictionary definitions are circular and tautological, although some subtle nuances derive from the network of reason's root words. Most of the variance in the meaning of reason is determined by other words that surround it, with a significant portion of reason's meaning being defined by its context. Anterior meaning shifters, nominal referents, spatiotemporal modifiers, and textual narrative all surround reason and fix it in a large lattice. The meaning of reason in use varies continuously. From this perspective, it becomes clear how reason functions as an important rhetorical trope in political discourse. Its plasticity and flexibility help reason stimulate and evoke variable mental images and responses in different settings and situations, all the more important because these go largely unnoticed. The example of reason of state shows reason's rhetorical power and privilege, its normative dimension, its persuasiveness, and its consequences. Seen in this light, a weak version of reason of state is preferable to a strong one. Pluralistic reason opens new paths for democratic thought and political action.     

Freedom of choice,gender equality,or employment promotion? Finnish party positions on childcare in the light of election manifestos 2015

The principle of freedom of choice in childcare matters has been a central element of Finnish family policy since the 1980s and is something that makes the country unique in an international comparison. One the one hand, this principle has been manifested as a legislated right for parents, notably mothers, to choose paid work supported by the use of public childcare. On the other hand, it has also given parents with children under three the right to stay at home with their children and to receive a child home care allowance during this period. This dualism has been widely popular among parents and has also been seen by most leading parties as something that is good for families. However, since the outbreak of the international financial crisis, this system has faced increasing criticism from some experts and politicians, which has made the principle of freedom of choice, and especially the child home care allowance/leave, susceptible to renegotiation. This article investigates how the principle of freedom of choice was politicized by eight leading parties during the Finnish parliamentary election campaign in 2015, through an analysis of election manifestos. First, we analyse to what extent this principle was politicized, and by whom. Secondly, we study how the principle was framed. The findings show that the principle of freedom of choice was a rather politicized topic, creating a cleavage between conservative and leftist/liberal parties. Moreover, they indicate a renegotiation of this principle in favour of higher parental employment promotion and gender equality.     

从社会转型看政府在公私领域价值取向的重心偏移

在我国社会转型过程中,政府在公私领域价值取向重心对社会将产生重大影响。转型初期的政府采取效率优先、兼顾公平的理念,价值取向重心向私域偏移。在经济高速发展的同时,社会矛盾逐渐凸显。在和谐社会构建过程中,政府价值取向重心应逐步向公域偏移,做到效率与公平并重。     

论侦查途径的选择

侦查途径的选择,就是在一起案件的若干条侦查途径中选出最佳途径。侦查途径的选择应该遵循及时、高效、可变换、针对性、客观性以及合法性的原则,具体操作时可以从人、事、物三个方面入手去发现、选择侦查途径。在实现破案的过程中,还要根据破案的进程及时调整和转换侦查的途径。     

论我国农民参政权——基于2009年《选举法修正案草案》的现实思考

政治参与是衡量政治现代化的重要指标,是民主政治的重要内容。农民是中国最大的群体,却是政治参与的边缘群体。《选举法修正案草案》有望使农民获得真正意义上的平等选举权,更有机会参与国家政治生活;但应该在对其肯定的同时,更多地从我国农民参政所处的现状思考,通过对农民参政影响因素及现状分析,探寻一条适合国情的农民参政权的实现路径。     

再论部门法哲学的“双边性”及其深入发展的路径选择

部门法哲学的研究具有十分鲜明的双边性属性和特征,无论是从实然性认识的角度,还是从价值权衡的角度,都有必要充分认识这种双边性。从部门法哲学双边性的属性和特点出发来思考其深入发展的路径选择,可得到三个基本结论:从学术共同体整体构成的角度考虑,必须要走双边学者携手对话的合作之路;从学术研究者个体担当的角度考虑,必须要走理性与经验结合的双向提升之路;从知识理论形态形成的角度虑考,必须要走三环一体的专业槽建设之路。     

2005年《选择法院协议公约》拒绝承认与执行外国判决的理由

2005年<选择法院协议公约>中的拒绝承认与执行规则是迄今为止最为详尽的关于间接管辖权的国际统一规则,其中的拒绝承认与执行的理由是间接管辖权规则的核心问题.起草者希望公约能与1958年纽约公约处理国际仲裁一样成功,新公约有可能成为国际民商事诉讼领域第一部全球性的多边条约.公约的间接管辖权规则虽然仅适用于协议管辖权依据,但是对于因其他管辖权依据引起的判决承认与执行,也具有非常重要的参考作用.     

供应商评价选择准则及指标体系研究综述

供应商作为企业产品和服务的原始提供者,对其进行评价选择是采购活动中最重要的决策之一。本文采用分类的方法系统地分析了供应商评价选择准则及指标体系的国内外研究现状,最后提出了建议及研究思路以期为企业评价选择供应商提供参考。     

Testing a rational choice model of “desistance:” Decomposing changing expectations and changing utilities

We argue that a rational choice framework can be used to explain declines in offending from adolescence to young adulthood in two ways. First, subjective expectations of offending can be age graded such that perceptions of rewards decrease and perceptions of risks and costs increase. Second, the marginal (dis)utility of crime may be age graded (e.g., preferences for risks, costs, and rewards). We examine changes in offending from adolescence to young adulthood among a subset of individuals from the Pathways to Desistance Study (N = 585) and employ a nonlinear decomposition model to partition differences in offending attributable to changing subjective expectations (X) and changing marginal utilities (β). The results indicate that both have direct and independent effects on changes in offending over time. The results of a detailed decomposition on the subjective expectations also indicate that differences exist across the type of incentives. That is, the effect of changing expectations is attributed mainly to changes in perceived rewards (both social and intrinsic). Changing expectations of social costs and risk of arrest from offending have weak effects on changes in criminal behavior, which suggests that they must be accompanied by increases in the weight placed on these expectations to promote appreciable declines in offending.     

Testing Times Ahead: Non‐Invasive Prenatal Testing and the Kind of Community We Want to Be

This article reviews the Nuffield Council on Bioethics’ report on Non‐Invasive Prenatal Testing (NIPT); and introduces two general questions provoked by the report – concerning, respectively, the nature and extent of the informational interests that are to be recognised in today's ‘information societies’ and the membership of today's ‘genetic societies’. The article also considers the role and nature of the Nuffield Council. While the Council's report identifies a range of individual and collective interests that are relevant to determining the legitimate uses of NIPT, we argue that it should put these interests into an order of importance; we sketch how this might be done; and we suggest that, failing such a prioritisation of interests, the Council should present its reflections in a way that engages public debate around a number of options rather than making firm recommendations.