首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   401篇
  免费   14篇
各国政治   42篇
工人农民   20篇
世界政治   35篇
外交国际关系   108篇
法律   83篇
中国政治   15篇
政治理论   67篇
综合类   45篇
  2024年   1篇
  2023年   2篇
  2022年   2篇
  2021年   3篇
  2020年   17篇
  2019年   14篇
  2018年   29篇
  2017年   30篇
  2016年   12篇
  2015年   6篇
  2014年   13篇
  2013年   75篇
  2012年   26篇
  2011年   22篇
  2010年   9篇
  2009年   23篇
  2008年   21篇
  2007年   31篇
  2006年   30篇
  2005年   14篇
  2004年   18篇
  2003年   6篇
  2002年   3篇
  2001年   4篇
  2000年   3篇
  1999年   1篇
排序方式: 共有415条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
91.
陕甘宁边区的政权建设经历了新民主主义革命的3个历史时期,实现了两次政权性质的转变,完整地反映了中国革命的基本特点。边区长期在中共中央领导之下,决定了政权建设的地位和模范作用,正确处理了同国民党政权的关系,贯彻了中共中央的独立自主的原则,最终使边区政权成为新中国政权的雏形。  相似文献   
92.
美国是世界上农业最发达的国家之一。在世界农产品贸易中,长期以来一直是世界农产品最大的进出口国,其农产品贸易政策对世界农产品贸易制度具有主要的影响。近年来,美国的农业保护制度不断完善和加强,不但与其他国家多边农业谈判的自由化主张背道而驰,也是多哈农业谈判久谈不决的主要原因之一。从政治经济学的角度分析,在未来,其农业补贴政策会有所减弱。但不可能完全消除,国内农业政策改革难度很大,非传统的隐蔽性更强的限制性措施将成为农产品市场准入中的主要措施。因此,美国在多哈农业谈判中不可能做出太大的让步。  相似文献   
93.
How has China's food safety administrative system changed since it was founded in 1949? How can we periodize the process of this historical transformation in terms of regulators, regulatees, and regulatory tools? This review article offers an analytical framework that distinguishes three regimes in the history of China's food safety governance: an old regime of command and control (1949–1977), an intermediate regime of mixed instruments (1978–1992), and a new regime of regulatory governance (1993–ongoing). In the article the regimes' features, advantages, disadvantages, and development tracks are discussed, and the groundwork is laid for an analysis of China's emerging regulatory state. Finally, a new notion of “transitional regulatory state” is used to define the current Chinese regulatory state based on its food safety regulation.  相似文献   
94.
Land grab appears to be a phenomenal expression of deepening contradictions in the corporate food regime. In particular, the end of cheap food (signaled in the 2008 ‘food crisis’) has generated renewed interest in agriculture for development on the part of the development industry, matched by a rising interest in offshore land investments, driven by governments securing food and fuel exports and financiers speculating on commodity futures and land price inflation. This paper interprets these developments as illusory solutions to a fundamental accumulation crisis of the neoliberal project. While this new (and final?) enclosure registers a restructuring of the food regime, as its geopolitical relations and productive content re-centers on Southern land and an emergent bioeconomic imperative, it is likely to only buy time (and space) in the short run for political and economic elites and a global consuming class. In the longer run, the attempt to resolve food regime contradictions by a spatial fix may well be catastrophic.  相似文献   
95.
ABSTRACT

President Erdo?an and the AKP government initiated a comprehensive restoration process immediately after the failed coup in mid-July 2016. In fact, the country has been experiencing a very comprehensive and violent regime transformation since this time. I assert that recent political developments paved the way for institutionalization of a ‘plebiscitary presidential regime’ that depends on a particular combination of supreme power of the leader, an extremely weak parliament, and elections of a plebiscitary character. In this context, the paper aims to shed light on the role of the new strategic legalism which allows rule of law to be replaced by a rule by law approach, the executive prerogative principle to be dominant, and the law to be used for demobilization, all playing a highly critical role in the suppression of democratic opposition.  相似文献   
96.
Abstract

Six years after the 2011 revolution that toppled the Gaddafi regime, the political transition in Libya is at a standstill. The fragmented security landscape fuels chronic local conflicts, lawlessness, and insecurity, and paralyzes the political transition with destabilizing consequences on its neighbors. What explains the rapid, profound, and lasting security fragmentation that affected post-Gaddafi Libya? Notwithstanding the manifest failures of the international intervention during and after the 2011 conflict, this article argues that the security fragmentation in post-Gaddafi Libya is deeply rooted in domestic economic, cultural, and political factors. In particular, the Libyan economy offers almost no employment opportunities, and the country lacks a unitary government and functioning state institutions that it needs to redistribute its oil wealth. Under these circumstances, Libyans attempt to cope with economic hardship, insecurity, and lawlessness by turning towards their family, tribe, neighborhood, or ethnic group, thereby fueling the fragmentation of security. Libya’s current security fragmentation and instability can be seen as part of the messy historical process of state formation. During this phase, political and security agreements are brokered and institutionalized through localized processes of rebel governance whose realm of possible arrangements are determined by contextual economic, political and cultural constraints.  相似文献   
97.
Canada's Immigration and Refugee Board conducts some of itsrefugee hearings via videoconferencing. As part of a reviewof the fairness of this practice, a theoretical approach andreview of the empirical literature was commissioned. Particularlyunder ‘high stakes’ conditions, it was found thatvideoconferencing reduces mutual trust and understanding, exacerbatescultural differences in non-verbal communication, and increasesthe propensity to lie while decreasing the ability to detectfalsehoods. Further, the inherent power imbalance between thetribunal and the claimant is widened as the tribunal membersbecome acclimatized to the technology. In general, the differencein sensory perception of a mediating technology creates cognitivedifferences between mediated and non-mediated environments.Further, sensory perception that feeds narrative constructionvaries by culture. The process of conveying and understandingmeaning across cultures is sufficiently difficult; adding thecomplexity of videoconference mediation introduces the possibilityof inconsistency, inaccuracy, and altered judgement.  相似文献   
98.
Where UNHCR conducts refugee status determination (RSD), itsreactions to legal aid for asylum-seekers have been mixed. Statisticalevidence collected from Egypt in 2002 indicates a correlationbetween receiving some form of legal aid service and an asylum-seeker'sincreased chances of gaining refugee protection from UNHCR.Unconventional forms of legal aid, including limited servicesby supervised non-lawyers (including volunteers from the refugeecommunity) showed a positive impact on first instance cases,while traditional legal aid models showed an impact at the appealstage. Legal aid should form an essential part of UNHCR's RSDprocedures, and NGOs should work to expand both traditionaland innovative forms of legal aid for asylum-seekers.  相似文献   
99.
100.
试论西夏的立法   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
西夏法律制度是中华法系的有机组成部分。本文从西夏立法的发展阶段、立法指导思想、立法特点三个方面对西夏立法问题进行了较为详细的分析,指出了西夏法律制度建设的得与失。  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号