How did international economic regulation survive the last period of deglobalization?

As trade wars and protectionism again present severe challenges and obstructions to international economic regulatory organizations (IEROs), it is timely to ask how their predecessors survived the last deep deglobalization of the interwar years. This article presents a fresh neo-Durkheimian institutional explanation. It highlights contrasting pathways to survival and bequest of IEROs in three fields of regulation – international infrastructure, capital and labor, and commodities. Our explanation shows that functional imperatives and short-term market pressures in these different areas of regulation facilitated specific forms of social organization within IEROs (such as hierarchy or individualistic brokering). These contrasting forms of social organization cultivated distinct regulatory styles during deglobalization and cultivated capacities for contrasting survival and bequest strategies. Our approach is thus able to account for variation in pathways to survival in a way that other possible explanations, such as theories of regulatory capture or bureaucratic autonomy, cannot.     

美菲同盟强化及其在美国亚太再平衡战略中的作用

美菲同盟是与美国亚太再平衡战略推进最为同步的一个同盟,美国视其为该战略的"核心"。美菲同盟的强化,其主要原因在于美国亚太再平衡战略与菲律宾对南海领土图谋之间存在契合。美菲同盟在美国再平衡战略背景下迅速机制化。美菲同盟在美国再平衡战略中扮演着进入东南亚地区多边机制的介入功能,承载着重空间轻基地、少投入多产出的威慑功能,体现着由关注非传统安全向关注传统安全的调整功能。     

Economic or cultural backlash? Rethinking outsiders’ voting behavior

Political economists show that outsiders (unemployed and temporary workers) support redistributive policies more than insiders (standard dependent workers) and infer outsiders' voting behavior from their desired degree of State intervention in the economy. However, it has been suggested that international interdependence is reshaping the political space along two dimensions: the traditional economic left-right scale, and an emerging cultural integration-demarcation dimension. How do outsiders behave in this two-dimensional political landscape? This research note answers this question by combining individual data from the latest five waves of the European Social Survey (2008–2016) with party positions provided by the Comparative Manifesto Project on 27 European countries. Integrating research based on party families with parties’ policy positions, results show that the economic State-market dimension is still more linked to outsiders’ voting behavior than the cultural integration-demarcation dimension.     

论“政权党”——以当代俄罗斯和中华民国初年政党政治为例

本文详细考察了当代俄罗斯和中华民国初年的政党政治和政治制度,认为二者都是以政权党为显著特征的政党政治,表现出总统重视政党的作用,善于利用政权党来巩固政治地位但又超越政权党,具有不受任何党派约束的巨大权威;政权党虽然能得到总统的支持,但是无法成为执政党,因而表现出既支持政府又批评政府,既与政府合作又与政府斗争的特征。由此得出结论,政权党是一种在政党与政权关系问题上相对于执政党、在野党之外的又一政党类型,有其特定的历史文化基础。     

非常夫妻财产制的若干问题研究

作为夫妻财产制的重要组成部分,非常夫妻财产制对于保护夫妻合法权益和维系交易安全具有不可替代的重要意义。在我国实行非常夫妻财产制已经具有思想基础、经济基础和法律依据,国外的立法和司法实践也为此提供了可供借鉴的经验。当正常夫妻财产制的适用基础丧失时,具有特定主体资格的当事人可以申请法院宣告适用非常夫妻财产制,并同时请求对共同财产的处置权利进行限制。一旦其适用情形不复存在,夫妻双方皆可申请恢复普通夫妻财产制。     

Out of the ashes of eugenics: diagnostic regimes in the United States and the making of a disability minority

Both early twentieth-century eugenics and late-century genetics authorize,anchor and certify diagnostic regimes Each discourse is positioned around a historical trajectory that moves from a 'curative ' promise of rehabilitation to an increasingly 'custodial ' proposition involving the pathologization and oversight of groups viewed as non-normative.Snyder and Mitchell interpret eugenics in the United States as an expansive testing regime that produced disabled people as a species of defective intelligence and aberrant physiology.What resulted was a frenzy of medical assessment that produced - for a time - a 'subnormal ' nation out of the classification of 'defective ' biologies..The newly professional scientific disciplines flocked to participate in the identification,care and training of those labelled 'feeble-minded '.Proliferating scientific representations of those deemed to inhabit 'subnormal ' bodies ultimately provided the justification for institutionalizing,sterilizing and destroying the liberty of those classified as inferior.The authors understand the repercussions of this methodology not as 'flawed ' science,,but as the basis for contemporary definitions of disability as degrees of deviation from profoundly subjective aesthetic and functional criteria.A study of the eugenics movement in the United States demonstrates that what we refer to today as physical and cognitive disability provides two paradoxical outcomes:first,those labelled as recipients of curative interventions tend to suffer the residual taint of their pathological identifications,while failing to benefit from the initial promises of 'cure ' so zealously espoused by diagnostic regimes; second, those who occupy medically based classifications of deviance serve as models for a more general comprehension of human biology even as the research subjects themselves are marginalized from social participation.     

韩国人权保障法律制度研究

1948年以来,韩国的人权状况随着国内政权的更迭和逐渐民主而出现从压制逐渐过渡到有力保障的过程,韩国的人权保障法律制度在其民主化进程中逐步完善并向系统化发展,主要表现在韩国1987年宪法对基本人权的规定,同时韩国加入与人权有关的国际条约,来巩固和加强对人权的保护力度,并且按照相关国际条约向国际组织报告韩国的人权状况,接受国际评论。然而,个人申诉权在韩国并没有真正得以实施。     

美国农业保护制度的政治经济学分析

美国是世界上农业最发达的国家之一。在世界农产品贸易中,长期以来一直是世界农产品最大的进出口国,其农产品贸易政策对世界农产品贸易制度具有主要的影响。近年来,美国的农业保护制度不断完善和加强,不但与其他国家多边农业谈判的自由化主张背道而驰,也是多哈农业谈判久谈不决的主要原因之一。从政治经济学的角度分析,在未来,其农业补贴政策会有所减弱。但不可能完全消除,国内农业政策改革难度很大,非传统的隐蔽性更强的限制性措施将成为农产品市场准入中的主要措施。因此,美国在多哈农业谈判中不可能做出太大的让步。     

略论陕甘宁边区政权建设的特点及其经验

陕甘宁边区的政权建设经历了新民主主义革命的3个历史时期，实现了两次政权性质的转变，完整地反映了中国革命的基本特点。边区长期在中共中央领导之下，决定了政权建设的地位和模范作用，正确处理了同国民党政权的关系，贯彻了中共中央的独立自主的原则，最终使边区政权成为新中国政权的雏形。     

Tracing and periodizing China's food safety regulation: A study on China's food safety regime change

How has China's food safety administrative system changed since it was founded in 1949? How can we periodize the process of this historical transformation in terms of regulators, regulatees, and regulatory tools? This review article offers an analytical framework that distinguishes three regimes in the history of China's food safety governance: an old regime of command and control (1949–1977), an intermediate regime of mixed instruments (1978–1992), and a new regime of regulatory governance (1993–ongoing). In the article the regimes' features, advantages, disadvantages, and development tracks are discussed, and the groundwork is laid for an analysis of China's emerging regulatory state. Finally, a new notion of “transitional regulatory state” is used to define the current Chinese regulatory state based on its food safety regulation.