预防职务犯罪工作在区域经济一体化进程中的意义及方法探究

区域经济合作是东亚地区在实践中产生的一种适合于各有关经济体的共同发展方式。由于历史原因和政治、经济、社会、文化背景的差异,当一些地区以组建大范围的区域经济合作组织时,相邻的国家和地区间,建立“增长三角”或次区域经济合作是一种有效的合作途径。区域经济一体化过程中,预防职务犯罪工作面临着新的机遇,也面临着严峻的考验,如何把预防职务犯罪工作延伸到区域经济一体化进程中,更好地服从、服务于党的工作大局,是我们当前和今后一个时期务必做好的一项崭新工作。     

交易成本与区域经济合作

交易成本对国家间的经济合作具有重要影响。区域经济合作的实质是区域内不同主体之间的权利交换,即交易。合作制度是对交易条件的相关规定。合作制度的选择,也就是现有条件下的交易成本最小化选择。区域的具体特点不同,相互之间所需的交易条件不一样,合作制度也不一样。     

非公有制经济中基层党组织的政治领导功能

非公有制经济组织中的基层党组织的政治领导功能,主要体现在三大方面:政治导向功能,指确保党的路线方针政策的贯彻执行,保证党的政治领导地位得到巩固和加强;组织建设功能,指增强党的非公有制经济组织基层党组织的凝聚力、战斗力和创造力,发挥党员的先锋模范作用;利益整合功能,指善于处理各种矛盾,协调好各种复杂的利益关系,充分代表最广大人民群众的根本利益。     

西部大开发战略浅论

面对西部大开发的两个转变 ,西部大开发要有新的战略思路、区域分工和战略重点。     

国外新区域主义理论的三重理解

新区域主义是地方治理研究在传统联合政府模式和公共选择模式基础上产生发展起来的。在英文文献当中,新区域主义理论可以从区域空间、区域身份与区域整合等三个角度进行解读。从区域空间角度来看,新区域主义主要强调各种不同主体在“区域空间”范围内的关系构建;从区域身份角度来看,新区域主义理论将区域治理与社会建构理论相结合,强调了区域在形成过程中的主观性和文化价值取向;从区域整合角度来看,新区域主义理论强调区域整合方式的弹性化,政府负责提供交流合作的平台,引导地方政府和公民主体在区域内流动并促进各主体在自愿基础上开展自发的合作。     

Territorial Polarization in Brazil's 2014 Presidential Elections

The 2014 presidential elections showed a growing political polarization based on regional differences in Brazil. Against this backdrop, President Dilma Rousseff was re-elected by the slimmest margin ever obtained by a Brazilian president. Rousseff's Workers’ Party (PT) has held the presidency for the past 12 years, gaining widespread support for reducing social inequality and maintaining macroeconomic stability in the country. However, as the latest presidential elections show, this support for the PT and its presidential candidate has eroded. This article argues that as a result of fiercer competition for votes, a more politically polarized discourse was used in the presidential campaign to mobilize voters around Brazil's regional divide between the richer south and the poorer north. In the analysis, the article attempts to elucidate possible causes of territorial patterns of voting in Brazil's 2014 presidential elections.     

Political Corruption and the End of two-party system after the May 2015 Spanish Regional Elections

The autonomous elections held on 25 May 2015 took place simultaneously in 13 of the 17 Spanish autonomous communities (CCAA), leading to the most profound change in the autonomous party system seen in Spain in the last 20 years. A significant number of Spanish citizens hold the two main parties—the PP and the PSOE—responsible for being unable to solve their economic problems and for having pursued their austerity policies and containment of social expenditure to the extent of giving rise to the greatest inequality experienced in Spanish society in history. Furthermore, and as important as the economic crisis, support for the new parties, Podemos and Ciudadanos, has been linked to the emergence in Spanish public debate of party regeneration and the corruption scandals that tainted the main parties and most institutions in the years prior to the elections on 25 May 2015.     

Sex offender (re)integration into the community: realities and challenges

Abstract

This paper explores the benefits of engaging with self-defined communities in Northern Ireland on the issue of sexual offending and argues the case for building on existing community structures, by identifying people with leadership skills and by empowering them with the knowledge, and with connections to statutory services, that will support public protection. We address the historical context in terms of the impact of the conflict on these communities and describe the role and experience of NIACRO working in Northern Ireland, in particular its Base2 project supporting people under threat. We reference the development of current statutory arrangements for Public Protection Arrangements for Northern Ireland (PPANI) and argue the case for preparing people in the community to receive and understand the messages promoted through PPANI on the basis of our belief that public education is most effective when the people receiving it are receptive.     

Till Immigration do us Part? Public Opinion and the Dilemma between Immigration Control and Bilateral Agreements

As a result of the initiative against mass immigration (MEI) Switzerland faces a dilemma between control of immigration and the continuation of bilateral agreements. This contribution raises two questions: First, have Swiss citizens' perceptions regarding the incompatibility between immigration control and bilateral agreements evolved since the vote on the MEI in February 2014? Second, what would Swiss citizens decide if they had to choose between the implementation of the MEI and the continuation of the bilateral strategy? We ground our analysis on data from the VOX surveys regarding the MEI and the more recent vote of November 2014 (Ecopop initiative). While Swiss voters still seem to be uncertain about the issue of compatibility, they nevertheless show support for the continuation of the bilateral agreements. Our analyses highlight the importance of age, trust in government and left‐right orientation for individual opinions towards the bilateral way.     

区域法治还是区域法制?——兼与公丕祥教授讨论

区域法治发展的概念忽略了法治与主权的关系,在逻辑上不能自洽,区域的范围也难以准确划定,而且概念内涵也无法与地方法治进行有效区分。目前区域法治的研究带有强烈的问题导向,但无论是发展意义上的区域法治,还是协调意义上的区域法治,抑或是地方法治意义上的区域法治,都没有能够在法学视角下把握区域问题的本质。区域问题集中在区域合作、区域竞争和跨域公共事务治理等三个领域,它表明以地方政府为主体的区域关系事实上已经处于紊乱状态。因此,需要从中央立法、地方联合立法、区域行政和区域纠纷解决等四个方面加快区域法制建设。