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191.
C. Christine Fair Neil Malhotra Jacob N. Shapiro 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(4):495-521
We use data from an innovative nationally representative survey of 6,000 Pakistanis in April 2009 to study beliefs about political Islam, Sharia, the legitimacy and efficacy of jihad, and attitudes towards specific militant organizations. These issues are at the forefront of U.S. policy towards Pakistan. Four results shed new light on the politics of militancy and Islamic identity in Pakistan. First, there is no relationship between measures of personal religiosity and the likelihood a respondent expresses highly sectarian sentiments. Second, militarized jihad is widely seen as legitimate in Pakistan but there are substantial regional differences in the acceptance of militarized jihad. Third, attitudes towards militant groups vary dramatically across groups, particularly when it comes to the efficacy of their actions. Fourth, while Pakistanis express massive levels of support for Sharia law, this is driven by its perceived connection with good governance, not by sympathy with the goals of militant groups claiming to implement it. 相似文献
192.
Chris Wilson 《Democratization》2013,20(7):1317-1337
When Indonesia's President Suharto was forced to resign in 1998, the accompanying uncertainty triggered serious communal violence in five regions. As the nation's politics and economy stabilized from 2002, so did those provinces. Identity-based conflict is now the rare exception rather than the rule in democratic Indonesia. Yet puzzlingly, despite the consolidation of democracy, ethnic clashes and mob violence against religious minorities continue to occur. While such events are now far smaller than those in the first years of democratization and occur only occasionally, their persistence requires analysis given the potential for escalation and what it tells us about Indonesia's reform process. In this article I compare recent incidents with that of the initial post-authoritarian era, and find that identity-based collective violence persists because many important causes of conflict have not been removed by democratic consolidation. As found by numerous scholars, many illiberal characteristics of the authoritarian state have segued neatly into democratic Indonesia. I assert that this has left several main causes of group violence firmly in place. I further contend that the failure to remove these phenomena partly has its origins in the order of democratic reforms chosen in the years after Suharto's resignation. 相似文献
193.
Caroline Ifeka-Moller 《Canadian journal of African studies》2013,47(2):317-318
Présenté par ses promoteurs comme une initiative renouvelant l'approche du Développement en Afrique, le Nouveau Partenariat pour le Développement de l'Afrique (NEPAD) suscite dans la littérature des travaux essentiellement normatifs. Dans cet article, nous cherchons à savoir s'il introduit une innovation ou s'il perpétue des politiques préexistantes. En explorant la genèse, les idées et les stratégies du NEPAD, nous montrons que l'innovation postulée est limitée et mettons en évidence deux phénomènes explicatifs. Elle est limitée d'abord en raison de la dépendance au sentier précédemment balisé notamment par les institutions financières internationales; dépendance qui provient des phénomènes de diffusion des idées et de rigidité des structures et normes politiques institutionnalisées et implique une continuité avec les politiques antérieures. Elle est limitée ensuite en raison des stratégies instrumentales des dirigeants africains qui, répondant à l'appel des partenaires extérieurs, "jouent le jeu" en adoptant les idées, les discours et les stratégies dominantes en vue de recevoir des ressources subordonnées à cette attitude conformiste. 相似文献
194.
Laurie S. Wiseberg 《Canadian journal of African studies》2013,47(2):293-313
This article examines the practice of male circumcision among the migrant Yao people in Zimbabwe with the goal of showing circumcision's importance as a platform for social mobilisation against HIV and AIDS. The work looks at how the practice has health benefits and creates a new form of identity to fight AIDS. It therefore examines the role of the rite in the creation of a collective Yao identity that facilitates mobilisation against the pandemic within the community. This mobilisation is a complex and contentious process, which involves various levels of negotiation, reconstruction and reconfiguration of Yao identity and the circumcision practice (the surgical act and teachings about it), both within and outside the group. The article argues that the practice can be viewed as a form of an African social movement that is largely driven by a complex but self-conscious collective identity and is also induced by the global donor interest in the circumcision–AIDS debate. 相似文献
195.
Sébastien Peyrouse 《Nationalities Papers》2013,41(1):105-123
This article is the fifth and final in a Nationalities Papers series providing an overview of the development of Romani political group representation and administration, from the arrival of Roma to Europe up to 1971, the landmark year of modern transnational Romani politics. The article concentrates on the period between the Second World War and 1970 and the emergence of the following phenomena which distinguish this period from those covered in the previous articles: some limited Romani participation in non-Romani mainstream political or administrative structures, an international Romani evangelical movement, reconciliation between Romani political representation and the Catholic Church, national institutions created by various governments to aid the administration of policies on Roma and rapid growth of non-governmental organizations addressing Romani issues. 相似文献
196.
Alisher Khamidov 《Central Asian Survey》2013,32(2):148-160
As Muslim communities reassert themselves in public life across the world, including Central Asia, their actions are causing tension in relations with ‘secular’ governments. Various global theories have been offered to explain these dynamics. According to one theory, tension between religious communities and secular states is caused by the exclusion or marginalization of Muslims, a process exacerbated by the perceived anti-Muslim bias in the foreign- and domestic-security policies of Central Asian states. A second view is that tension results from the work of global extremist groups espousing the restoration of an Islamic Caliphate. The third approach presents the rising tension as part of a broader trend: a putative clash of Western and Muslim civilizations. This article challenges these theories by using a case study of a Muslim grassroots protest in Kyrgyzstan to highlight the importance of local politics, namely informal arrangements among local officials, power brokers and community members. In so doing, it seeks to make a contribution to theorizing Muslim–state relations in Central Asia. 相似文献
197.
借鉴与完善:遏制宗教极端主义的立法研究 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
我国打击宗教极端主义的立法不够清晰,限制宗教极端主义思想传播的法律制度落后。同时宗教管理也存在一定的缺陷。因此,须完善我国打击宗教极端主义的立法以及相关制度,要准确落实我国的宗教政策,将宗教限制在私人空间。在公共领域宗教并无自由。我国须加强国家意识和国民意识的教育,并完善打击宗教极端主义的相关立法。应当制定反恐法,将宗教极端主义行为及言论作为反恐法管制的对象之一。完善刑法规范以打击宗教极端主义。应当在刑法中增加“领导、组织宗教极端主义组织罪”、“领导、组织宗教极端主义活动罪”等,并完善互联网的相关立法。 相似文献
198.
Constanta Ghitulescu 《The History of the Family》2013,18(2):220-235
This study analyzes religious practices in the Romanian lands in the long eighteenth century. Research for it was based on a series of largely unpublished archival documents which illustrate ordinary people's attitudes to faith, magic, superstition and the church. In periods of instability and insecurity, quite understandably, as daily worries become more acute, faith and religion step in to offer spiritual comfort. This study looks at spiritual practices in the Romanian old regime and explores the ways in which women and men used them as focal points for building sociability and solidarity networks. 相似文献
199.
在现代文明和基督教的双重冲击下,云南少数民族宗教信仰环境发生重大变化,呈现世俗化、民俗化、多元化和长期化趋势,面临信众流失、文化错位、功能退化、信仰边缘、生态失衡等危机。应进一步加强对少数民族宗教的管理和引导,提升其文明素质和信仰素质,发挥其促进环境保护、有益伦理道德、推动文化产业发展的现代功能,建立少数民族宗教的学术研究、人才培养、文化传承和艺术研习基地,使其作为精神性和社会性资源推动民族地区经济社会发展。 相似文献
200.
《今日中国(英文版)》2014,(8)
Since 2013,frequent violent incidents have taken place in and outside Xinjiang.This is not an ethnic or religious issue,but one that has escalated into brutal terrorist attacks that endanger life and property. 相似文献