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101.
通过对我国科技企业在融资领域发展中面临的现实问题,分析科技企业风险投资模式,提出科技企业的融资模式应当与证券市场相结合的改革措施,通过对我国证券市场二板市场的完善,建立一个以科技企业为核心的融资平台的制度创新模式,提出我国证券市场二板市场应当以科技企业的发展为核心,应当与风险投资制度相结合,在二板的基础上实现科技企业融资模式市场化,通过提高法人治理结构促进企业发展,协调投资者、政府、科技企业与第三人之间的关系。 相似文献
102.
为了解中国青少年如何认识和看待日本,中国社会科学院“中国青少年对日意识调查”课题组将中国青少年的对日认知程度作为调研对象,于2008年9月下旬至12月上旬进行了一次小规模的问卷调查。通过此次对日意识调查可以看出,中国青少年对日本的了解和认识是比较全面的,其主流意识是正确的,地域环境、教育背景、互联网和日本文化对中国青少年的对日认知有一定影响。同时,调查结果也表明,当代中国青少年在不忘历史、正视历史的前提下,能够理性、客观、全面地看待和认识日本。 相似文献
103.
陶传铭 《西安政治学院学报》1999,(5)
政治工作的效益与政治工作主体的思维方式密切相关。思维方式变革是实践方式变革的先导。增强政治工作的系统性,要求政治工作主体必须建立起系统思维方式。确立系统思维方式要求政治工作主体树立全局观念, 增强整体意识; 树立层次观念, 增强政治工作系统运行的有序性; 树立动态观念, 坚持在发展变化中做好政治工作; 树立优化观念, 实现政治工作系统运行的最佳效益。确立系统思维方式将极大地推动和促进政治工作的改革创新。 相似文献
104.
105.
Legal context: The article reviews significant decisions handed down by theBoards of Appeal of the European Patent Office (EPO) in 2006,concentrating on decisions of the Enlarged Board and the Boardsof Appeal issued in 2006 and published or to be published inthe OJ EPO. Key points: The article discusses the application of Art. 24 EPC on exclusionand objection to members of the boards of appeal in the lightof the following decisions: G 1/05, T 281/03 and J 15/04; referralspending before the EBA on the subject of divisional applications(Art. 76 EPC and R. 25 EPC) and exclusion from patentabilityunder R. 23d(c) in conjunction with Art. 53a EPC; and decisionsof technical boards of appeal on exclusions from patentability(Arts. 52 (2)(3) and (4) EPC), the requirement of industrialapplicability (Art. 57 EPC) and re-establishment of rights (Art.122 EPC). Practical significance: The article provides an overview of the 2006 case law of theboards of appeal which is particularly useful since most ofthe decisions discussed have not yet been published in the OJEPO. The author is critical of the recent case law on the applicationof Art. 24 EPC (exclusion and objection to members of the boardsof appeal) and reports on several decisions of particular legalinterest. 相似文献
106.
Mary Kay Gugerty 《公共行政管理与发展》2008,28(2):105-118
Non‐governmental organizations (NGOs) play an increasingly important role in public service provision and policy making in sub‐Saharan Africa, stimulating demand for new forms of regulatory oversight. In response, a number of initiatives in NGO self‐regulation have emerged. Using cross‐national data on 20 African countries, the article shows that self‐regulation in Africa falls into three types: national‐level guilds, NGO‐led clubs and voluntary codes of conduct. Each displays significant weaknesses from a regulatory policy perspective. National guilds have a broad scope, but require high administrative oversight capacity on the part of NGOs. Voluntary clubs have stronger standards but typically have much weaker coverage. Voluntary codes are the most common form of self‐regulation, but have the weakest regulatory strength. This article argues that the weakness of current attempts to improve the accountability and regulatory environment of NGOs stems in part from a mismatch between the goals of regulation and the institutional incentives embedded in the structure of most self‐regulatory regimes. The article uses the logic of collective action to illustrate the nature of this mismatch and the tradeoffs between the potential breadth and strength of various forms of NGO self‐regulation using three detailed case studies. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
107.
RICKARD LALANDER 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2010,29(4):505-521
To what extent might an indigenous mayor govern beyond ethnically defined grievances, without being labelled traitor by the indigenous organisation? This article deals with the challenges faced by the Ecuadorian indigenous movement when it attains power in local government. The issue will be explored through the case of Mario Conejo, who in 2000 became the first indigenous mayor of Otavalo representing the indigenous political movement Pachakutik. Although ethnically based tensions in the local indigenous movement were evident throughout the period, 2006 saw Conejo leave Pachakutik and create a new political movement. This rupture can be traced, I argue, to an intercultural dilemma and the difficulties of ethnically defined political movements. 相似文献
108.
王学 《贵阳市委党校学报》2010,(2):34-38
当前贵阳市开展的"三创一办",是深入推进全国文明城市创建的大好时机。对贵阳市创建全国文明城市的有利条件进行梳理,有利于"三创一办"工作中抓住重点,深入开展创建工作。 相似文献
109.
MATTHEW FLINDERS 《The Political quarterly》2010,81(1):57-73
The MPs expenses scandal that erupted in May 2009 has certainly rekindled interest in the next stage of constitutional reform and democratic renewal in Britain. This article examines how Gordon Brown's tenure as Prime Minister has differed from Tony Blair's in relation to the ‘new politics’ narrative. It argues that despite his long‐term personal commitment to major constitutional reforms, the role of crises in recalibrating the political opportunity structure and the manner in which electoral incentives can alter elite attitudes to institutional change that Brown's tenure can be characterised by optimism followed by timidity. Gordon Brown may have flown a few kites in relation to a written constitution, electoral reform, English devolution and the future of the House of Lords but he has left things far too late for a ‘constitutional moment’. Brown may have the political inclination but he lacks the capacity to deliver far‐reaching reform; Cameron is likely to have the capacity but not the inclination. 相似文献
110.
Keith Brough 《Family Court Review》2008,46(2):409-424
Current state law creates the risk that, if sex education is not provided to a child in public school, no similar instruction will be given to the child. Legislatively enacted opt‐out provisions give parents broad control over their child's education by granting them the option to have their child excused from any sex education requirements within a public school's curriculum. Through public school sex education, professionals provide youth information aimed at protecting them from the dangers of pregnancy and sexually transmitted diseases (STDs). A stricter statutory opt‐out provision should be enacted by state legislatures that only allows parents to excuse their child from sex education after a parent attends a 90‐minute STD prevention course and receives the instructional material used in the school's sex education curriculum. Parents should be provided up‐to‐date information and a structural framework designed by the school to encourage them to discuss with their child the many sexual issues addressed within a school's sex education curriculum. 相似文献