强化人民调解遏止家庭暴力

家庭暴力问题普遍存在,危害严重.在诸多反家庭暴力的措施中,人民调解是不可忽视的中坚力量.强化人民调解独特的第一道防线的作用,能积极主动、富有成效地预防和遏止家庭暴力.     

亲密关系暴力:男性与女性谁更具攻击性--国外相关研究评述

国外研究者对亲密关系暴力中男女的攻击性差异持两种不同的观点并由此产生了持续的争论。以女权主义研究者为代表的观点认为男性比女性更具攻击性;以家庭冲突研究者为代表的观点认为女性的攻击性与男性一样甚至比男性的更强。本文分析了争论产生的原因:样本类型和对攻击概念的界定不同,测量工具的局限性以及两性对暴力攻击存在的知觉差异和报告差异。相信对这些问题的探讨有助于我国对两性与暴力问题的研究。     

发展权:社会主义初级阶段男女平等的突破口--从第二期上海妇女社会地位调查谈起

以自然分工为基础的男尊女卑的社会性别关系,从诞生之日起就是对妇女发展权的赤裸裸的剥夺,参加社会生产是妇女回归社会、获得发展权的开端,在国家的发展政策中纳入性别观点,使妇女和男性一样平等地参与、促进并享受社会发展是实现发展权、进而实现男女平等的重要环节。目前恰恰就在就业、参政和继续教育等和发展权维护有关的问题上,上海妇女发展遭遇前所未有的挑战。促进、维护和实现妇女发展权,不仅能大幅度提升妇女社会参与的能力与实力,也能大大加快社会民主法制的进程及经济、文化的发展。     

隐私权的法律保护及其价值基础

在现代社会,隐私权已经或正在成为许多国家法律明确确认和保护的权利,但我国法律迄今没有明定其为具体的权利。隐私权应否成为一项具体人格权,对它的保护有无价值,在民法典编纂之际确有探讨之必要。     

Does Federalism Matter for Biopolicies? Switzerland in Comparative Perspective

This article analyses how federalism matters for the policy‐designing process and the resulting policies in the field of Assisted Reproductive Technology through the comparison of four countries, Switzerland, Germany, Belgium and Canada. It reconstructs from an actor‐centred perspective how federalism interacts with other country and policy‐field specific characteristics and empirically assesses how this interaction influenced the final policies. By focusing on Assisted Reproductive Technology, the article examines the potential influence of federalism on public policies beyond the standard discussion of the comparative political economy of federalism.     

Verbal and Physical Abuse Toward Mothers: The Role of Family Configuration,Environment, and Coping Strategies

This paper focuses on parental maltreatment, a rarely documented phenomenon. We prospectively examine factors that can increase the risk of abusive behavior toward mothers. The purpose of this study is to examine the relationship between a stressful family situation, parental divorce, and verbal and physical aggression toward mothers. We use a large Canadian sample of adolescents who have been followed since kindergarten. At age 15, we assessed verbal and physical abuse toward mothers, as reported by both mothers and their adolescents. Multinomial logit modeling revealed that parental divorce was associated with a greater risk of physical aggression directed toward mothers by adolescents. Family environment and parental coping strategies partially mediated that relationship. Mothers who divorced, and remained divorced, were at greater risk of being assaulted by their adolescent children. A positive family environment, reflecting a better parent–child relationship, partially diminished this risk. However, support-seeking behavior on the part of mothers increased the risk of abuse, concurrent with tyrannical strategies often mobilized by abusive children.     

论律师在侦查阶段的诉讼地位和诉讼权利

我国刑事诉讼法规定了律师在侦查阶段就可以介入刑事诉讼,但没有明确规定律师在侦查阶段的诉讼身份,并对律师介入侦查的诉讼权利进行种种限制,难以发挥律师在侦查阶段的职能作用。本文着重就律师在侦查阶段应以什么身份介入侦查以及在侦查阶段应享有哪些诉讼权利作了阐述并提出个人看法和建议。     

论口供

口供作为刑事证据之一 ,在案件侦查和审理中所发挥的作用 ,历来为广大办案人员所重视。本文拟对口供的概念、历史、现状、属性、举证责任等进行论述。     

Mapping the production of political communications: a model to assist in understanding the relationships between the production and consumption of political messages

High public interest today in political communications such as ‘spin’ and in political participation such as electoral turnout suggests that there may be value in exploring the processes by which political messages are produced and consumed, and their inter‐relationship with participation. It may be that what citizen‐voters think of message production influences how they consume political news and publicity (through observing and evaluating), and that the propensity to political participation is subsequently affected. This paper offers a model which traces the production of political communications, starting at their origins in the political class, and flowing via traditional political journalism or controlled media and new media to citizen‐voters who both observe and evaluate them (ie consume them) before, during and after making any political choices. It is hypothesised that the observation and evaluation of message production and content by political consumers influences both their types and levels of participation. Research of this nature into political organisations is relatively rare. Similarly, there is little evidence of investigations into other aspects highlighted in the model: attitudes of the political class towards political communications, the production of political communications before they reach the media and how they are received by the media, and their consumption by citizen‐voters in relation to the propensity to participate in politics. Copyright © 2003 Henry Stewart Publications