对教育与生产劳动相结合的再认识

教育与生产劳动相结合是马克思主义的教育基本原理 ,也是现代生产和现代教育的基本规律。但在教育实践发展的过程中出现了一些不良倾向和问题 ,需要对其做理论探源 ,并结合时代发展 ,重新认识其内涵、目的、内容和途径     

不同手机及不同通信网络通话录音质量评析

目的为送检手机通话录音质量的审查提供理论依据。方法提出一种定量化的语音检材质量评价标准,并对不同手机及不同通信网络下的录音进行质量评价。该标准基于主流鉴定设备,涵盖了声学语谱图共振峰个数及数值、基频参数、区域平均频谱等分析方法以及声纹比对测试。结果实验结果显示,不同条件下得到的通话录音质量存在一定的差异性,会对声纹图谱鉴定产生一定影响,但并不会造成本质性差异。结论语音同一认定中,对基于移动通信网络获取的检材录音应考虑到通话语音质量的差异性对检验的影响,并在鉴定分析中加以评估和克服。     

读罗尔斯的《政治哲学讲义》——立足于人性看《利维坦》中的社会契约

罗尔斯在他的《政治哲学讲义》中对霍布斯的利维坦给予了高度评价,并主要在世俗系统内对《利维坦》进行了全面的解读。罗尔斯对社会契约的形成过程的分析不是基于神学知识的考虑,而是通过对人性的认知,并以人性为核心,来看待自然状态如何转变为战争状态,以及如何由自然状态下形成订立契约的合意,最终导致自然状态向市民社会的转变。     

法治监狱视角下构建罪犯社会保障的价值意蕴

法治中国建设不断推进,建设法治监狱已经成为监狱机关的重要话语。当下罪犯处于社会保障体系的"真空"。维护罪犯的社会保障权,既是社会文明程度提高的表现,也是法治文明进步的彰显。维护罪犯的保障权利,可以提高监狱改造效能,完善社会保障体系,有效预防重新犯罪,有力保障罪犯人权,提高监狱建设法治文明程度。     

论警察社会控制的合法性危机

警察从产生之日起就是社会控制的主要力量,这一点毋庸置疑。但是,随着社会的发展,警察社会控制的合法性却面临空前的危机,甚至出现了多起袭警事件。这主要是由于警察职能定位不清,基层民警疲于奔命却效率低下,降低了社会对警察的信任。另外,有关维护警察权威法律制度的不健全和网络舆情缺乏有效监管也是导致警察合法性危机产生的重要原因。国家和公安机关自身都应积极采取有效措施,帮助警察化解危机,重塑警察权威。     

The Pegida Movement and German Political Culture: Is Right‐Wing Populism Here to Stay?

This article outlines the rise and fall of the ‘Patriotic Europeans against the Islamisation of the West’ (Pegida), a right‐wing populist street movement that originated in the city of Dresden in October 2014 and peaked in January 2015. The Pegida movement combined fear of ‘Islamisation’ with general criticism of Germany's political class and the mainstream media. This ambivalent and largely undefined political profile proved its strength in mobilising a significant minority of right‐wing citizens in the local context of Dresden and the federal state of Saxony, but generally failed to spill over to other parts of Germany. The social profile of the Pegida movement, which included ‘ordinary citizens’ with centre‐right to far‐right attitudes, points to significant overlap between general disenchantment of the political centre ground in Germany with the political system, as outlined in recent sociological research, and the ability of a largely leaderless populism to mobilise in the streets.     

How Social Wealth Funds Could Help Tackle Inequality

This article examines the potential to tackle the roots of inequality by the introduction of one or more social wealth funds. Such funds would aim to capture some of the financial gains from the private ownership of capital—a principal driver of inequality—and use the proceeds for wider community benefit, such as investment in social infrastructure. In recent decades a number of countries have introduced a variant on such funds, mostly taking the form of state‐owned sovereign wealth funds resourced through the exploitation of oil, and used for a diversity of economic purposes. In contrast, the UK has failed to take the opportunity to create such funds by, for example, reinvesting the revenue from the sales of public assets. So would it be possible to build one or more such collectively owned funds in the UK, and if so, how should they be financed? As well as funding social investment and anti‐inequality programmes, could such a scheme also help finance a regular Citizen's Dividend payment or a Citizen's Income scheme?     

The Future of Social Policy in Scotland: Will Further Devolved Powers Lead to Better Social Policies for Disabled People?

Scotland has laid claim to being ‘different’ from the rest of the UK with regards to disability policy. This article examines the evidence for that with regard to long‐term and social care, and discusses the possibilities opened up by the devolution of disability benefits. It asks whether Scotland will demonstrate policy divergence from the rest of the UK, and whether that is likely to be beneficial for disabled people. It argues that Scotland has the potential to create better social policies for disabled people, but faces significant challenges in doing so.     

Japan and identity change: why it matters in International Relations

Abstract

Two approaches to identity have been employed to explore issues in Japan's international relations. One views identity as constituted by domestic norms and culture, and as constitutive of interests, which in turn cause behaviour. Proponents view Japan's ‘pacifist’ and ‘antimilitarist’ identity as inherently stable and likely to change only as a result of material factors. In the other approach, ‘Japan’ emerges and changes through processes of differentiation vis-à-vis ‘Others’. Neither ‘domestic’ nor ‘material’ factors can exist outside of such identity constructions. We argue that the second, relational, approach is more theoretically sound, but begs three questions. First, how can different identity constructions in relation to numerous Others be synthesised and understood comprehensively? Second, how can continuity and change be handled in the same relational framework? Third, what is the point of analysing identity in relational terms? This article addresses the first two questions by introducing an analytical framework consisting of three mutually interacting layers of identity construction. Based on the articles in this special issue, we argue that identity entrepreneurs and emotions are particularly likely to contribute to change within this model. We address the third question by stressing common ground with the first approach: identity enables and constrains behaviour. In the case of Japan, changes in identity construction highlighted by the articles in this special issue forebode a political agenda centred on strengthening Japan militarily.     

The North Korean abduction issue: emotions,securitisation and the reconstruction of Japanese identity from ‘aggressor’ to ‘victim’ and from ‘pacifist’ to ‘normal’

Abstract

After Kim Jong-il's confession in 2002 that North Korean agents had abducted thirteen Japanese citizens in the 1970s and 1980s, North Korea has become the most detested country in Japan, and the normalisation of bilateral relations has been put on the back burner. The abduction issue has taken precedence in Japan even over North Korea's development of nuclear weapons and long-range missiles. It has also grossly overshadowed the atrocities for which Imperial Japan was responsible in the 20th century. Why has there been such strong emphasis on an issue that could be disregarded as comparatively ‘less important’? This article understands the ascendency of the abduction issue as the epitome of an identity shift under way in Japan – from the identity of a curiously ‘peaceful’ and inherently ‘abnormal’ state, to that of a more ‘normal’ one. The differentiation of North Korea as ‘abnormal’ emphasises Japan's own (claim to) ‘normality’. Indeed, by incarnating the perils of Japan's own ‘pacifist’ ‘abnormality’, which has been so central to the collective sense of Japanese ‘Self’ in the post-war period, the abduction issue has become a very emotional argument for Japan's ‘normalisation’ in security and defence terms. The transformation from ‘abnormal’ to ‘normal’ is further enabled by Japan trading places with North Korea in the discourse, so that Japan is defined as ‘victim’ (rather than former aggressor) and North Korea as ‘aggressor’ (rather than former victim). What is at stake here is the question whether Japan is ‘normalising’ or ‘remilitarising’, and the role of the abduction issue discourse in enabling such foreign and security policy change.