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251.
王莉莉 《北京行政学院学报》2011,(6):68-71
“从天上降到人间”是德意志意识形态虚假性的根源,正确理解意识形态产生发展过程及其实践意义的思考路径是“从人间到天国”;意识形态具有阶级性和历史性,对德意志意识形态的批判是消灭旧世界、发现新世界的重要理论支点.马克思恩格斯关于德意志意识形态批判的论述和思想,对当前我国意识形态的维护与发展以及文化建设有重要的指导意义. 相似文献
252.
《Labor History》2012,53(4):465-500
This article analyses the ways in and the extent to which indentured labourers in Trinidad expressed discontentment with their situation. It looks at the ways in which dominance and oppression was contested in their everyday life and the levels of organization, which were visible in the plantation societies. It discusses the forms of opposition that occurred. Throughout the indentureship period, the Indian indentured labourers were engaged in deliberate acts to undermine authority. They refused to conform to certain demands made by the colonial authorities and were prepared to wrestle with aspects of the system that they perceived as threatening or iniquitous. They were also engaged in activities that defied the planters, masters or colonial authorities in one way or the other. 相似文献
253.
中国的发展是和平发展,走和平发展道路是中华民族实现复兴的必由之路。软实力是一个国家重要的现实力量,提升国家软实力是中国实现和平发展的内在要求。价值观是一个国家软实力的核心资源,软实力实际上是一种国家核心价值的认同力,国家之间软实力竞争的实质就是国家核心价值的竞争。国家核心价值是中国软实力建设的灵魂。中国软实力建设的内在价值基点是以人为本;基本价值追求是和平与发展;最高价值目标是和谐。 相似文献
254.
饶国民 《辽宁公安司法管理干部学院学报》2010,(3):84-85
环渤海区域经济发展软环境的好坏,决定着经济发展的速度和质量。环渤海区域各省、市应下力气抓好本区域经济发展的软环境建设,在区域经济竞争中创造凝聚力、形成吸引力、提高生产力,推动环渤海区域经济快速发展。 相似文献
255.
以通信技术和计算机技术的飞速发展和广泛应用为特征的信息社会的到来使中国警察面临着新的挑战。即群众对警务工作更多的参与和更多表达形成了一种巨大的力量,这种力量成为了对警务工作产生即时的、持续的、影响最终工作结果与效果的重要因素。如何引导这种力量,有赖于群众认同、理解警察行为,赞赏、支持中国警察。为此,引入警察文化软实力建设成为我们当前的重要课题。 相似文献
256.
颜旭 《中国井冈山干部学院学报》2014,(5):33-38
文化安全是国家安全的重要内容。随着我国综合国力的不断提升,我国文化安全形势不断得到改善,但又始终面临着巨大的威胁和挑战。为应对挑战、化解风险,我国应尽快制定国家文化安全战略,积极构建具有中国因素的国际认同文化,积极提升国家软实力,坚持在包容的基础上敢于进行文化斗争,切实掌握互联网舆论主导权,积极推动国际文化新秩序的建立。 相似文献
257.
This article draws on public opinion survey data from Morocco, Tunisia, Egypt, and Jordan to investigate first, whether a “demand for democracy” in the region exists; second, how to measure it; and third, how respondents understand it. The picture emerging from this analysis is complex, eluding the simple dichotomy between prima facie support and second order incongruence with democracy, which characterises current debates. Respondents have a more holistic understanding of democracy than is found in current scholarship or indeed pursued by Western or regional policymakers, valuing civil-political rights but prioritizing socio-economic rights. There is broad consensus behind principles of gender equality, but indirect questions reveal the continuing influence of conservative and patriarchal attitudes. Respondents value religion, but do not trust religious leaders or want them to meddle in elections or government. Moreover, while there is broad support for conventionally-understood pillars of liberal democracy (free elections, a parliamentary system), there is also a significant gap between those who support democracy as the best political system in principle and those who also believe it is actually suitable for their country. 相似文献
258.
Abstract Two studies explored stereotypic information processing in rape cases by prospective lawyers in Germany. In Study 1, 451 undergraduate law students rated rape scenarios varying with respect to defendant–complainant relationship and coercive strategy (force versus exploitation of the complainant's alcohol-induced defencelessness). Acceptance of rape myths was also measured. Likelihood of defendant liability was rated to be lower when there was a prior relationship between the parties and when the defendant exploited the complainant's defencelessness as compared to when he used force (except in the ex-partner rapes where blame was higher in the alcohol-related than in the force-related cases). Complainant blame was higher when there was a prior relationship between the parties and was higher in the alcohol-related cases than in the force-related cases, except in the ex-partner rape where the pattern was reversed. Participants with high rape myth acceptance held the defendant less liable and blamed the complainant more, especially when the two had known each other. Study 2 largely replicated these findings with 129 postgraduate trainee lawyers and showed that sentencing recommendations also varied as a function of defendant–complainant relationship and coercive strategy. Providing participants with the legal definition of rape did not reduce reliance on rape stereotypes. 相似文献
259.
Abstract The principal aim of this study was to investigate whether attitudes towards judicial competency, legal liability, voluntariness of offence and judicial disposal options were influenced by known classification of an offender as learning disabled compared to an offender with a suggested intellectual disability, but not formally classified. Subsidiary aims were to explore participant attitudes based upon group membership and parental status. The sample consisted of 101 participants (69 undergraduate nursing students and 32 from the general population). Participants were requested to complete a questionnaire assessing their attitudes within the aforementioned domains and towards ascribed levels of victim parental responsibility. Fifty participants completed a questionnaire designed for the purpose of the study where the offence scenario depicted made reference to the offender having a formal classification of learning disability. Fifty-one participants completed the same questionnaire where an intellectual disability was suggested but not formally stated in the form of classification. Results indicated that classification did significantly influence attitudes in most domains irrespective of group. The nursing group attributed greater levels of competency to the offenders depicted. No interactions between variables were observed. The reasons for and implications of these findings, limitations and recommendations for future research are explored. 相似文献
260.
Nathan P. Kalmoe 《政治交往》2013,30(4):545-563
The recent concurrence of violent political rhetoric and violence against political targets in the U.S. and abroad has raised public concern about the effects of language on citizens. Building from theoretical foundations in aggression research, I fielded two nationally representative survey experiments and a third local experiment preceding the 2010 midterm elections to investigate support for violence against political authority. Subjects were randomly assigned to view one of two forms of the same political advertisements. Across all three experiments, mild violent metaphors multiply support for political violence among aggressive citizens, especially among young adults. Aggressive personality traits also predict support for political violence in both national studies. This work identifies dynamic roots of violent political orientations and reveals for the first time surprising interactions between this elite discourse and personality traits in citizens. 相似文献