空间观念的理论生成与话语转义——以康德的“先验空间”到“具身化”为例

康德针对绝对空间展开的继承性批判成为重构空间思想的必由路径,他用“绝对纯粹”来替代“神秘经验”,这是一个非神学的空间阐释框架,被誉为“哥白尼式革命”。在划清和传统空间观念的界限之后,康德以“经验”和“先验”为视角来廓清自己的理论构想并论证得出空间的重要属性：经验实在性和先验观念性。从这一结论亦不难看出康德对大陆理性主义和英国经验主义的贯通融合,即主体凭借空间化的表象,将内感官之“我”视为审美对象,这实际是上承“先验感性”中的论述。除此之外,康德空间观已预设了现象学的基本判断,这实际上开启了空间研究从经验性走向境域化、从形而上走向“具身化”的可能性。     

从国际法角度析空间武器问题

美国于2002年退出《弹道导弹条约》,并启动导弹防御计划,使外层空间面临着成为军备竞赛新场所的危险.尽管现有的国际法对空间武器的使用是否合法没有作明文规定,但包括《联合国宪章》等在内的国际法律性文件都试图以法律手段实现外层空间的非军事化;而根据《部分禁止核试验条约》,不允许缔约国进行任何使用核动力的导弹拦截试验;《环境影响公约》和《外空条约》等则禁止出于军事目的或任何其他敌对方式使用空间武器.     

《登记公约》实施中的若干法律问题研究

1976年《登记公约》确定了发射国对其发射的空闯物体的登记义务,从而建立了空间物体的强制登记制度.随着空间科学的进步和空间活动商业化的发展,《登记公约》在实施过程中逐渐暴露出缔约国数量偏少、未登记空间物体数量较多、登记信息不统一等缺陷,严重影响了其实施的效果.因此,应当在适当的时机对公约加以修订,完善公约的内容,以使其适应空间活动的现状.     

空间碎片现状的国际法思考

空间碎片是指位于地球轨道上的非功能性人造物体,近年来其对人类的外空活动构成重大威胁。目前,关于空间碎片的立法尚不完善。文章对空间碎片问题的现状、涉及空间碎片致害的国际责任问题和空间碎片造成的空间环境污染问题的现行法律规定进行了探析,认为有必要明确空间碎片的概念界定,并从现行国际条约的局限性入手,对空间碎片作出系统的法律规制。     

中国农民组织化的发展空间研究——以北部湾经济区农民组织化为例

伴随着中国社会的深度转型进程,当前中国农村组织结构与农民组织方式发生了深刻变革。该文基于社会学的理论维度,以北部湾经济区农民组织化为例,着力从组织功能视角深入探讨社会转型期中国农民组织化的发展空间问题,以期更好地推进中国现代化建设进程。     

论侦查假说的三个支点

侦查假说是侦查人员在侦查破案过程中必不可少的思维方式。侦查假说具有多元性、层次性和开放性。侦查实践的终极目标是实现案件的侦破,侦查假说的正确与否决定着侦查工作的成败。侦查实践往往围绕侦查假说展开推理和论证。构建侦查假说,需要在时间层次、空间层次和人物层次之间进行综合考量,形成较完整的有关犯罪假说体系的三个支点。     

“It Was Like I Lost Everything”: The Harmful Impacts of Homeless-Targeted Policies

In response to housing crises across the country, many localities are implementing homeless-targeted policies that attempt to regulate public space by prohibiting sitting, lying, sleeping, and storing property in public places such as parks and sidewalks. We term these sociospatial control policies. Our research investigates the direct impacts of such policies in the city of Honolulu, which had become notorious for legal measures targeting homeless residents. We interviewed members of 70 households living in temporary shelters in public spaces, all of whom had experienced enforcement of city ordinances, such as receiving citations or being forcibly moved by city agents. Our data revealed three interconnected ways that enforcements of sit–lie and nuisance policies harmed homeless households. (a) Our respondents described feeling dehumanized and treated unfairly by city agents. We therefore argue that enforcement catalyzed both civic and social exclusion. (b) Second, the city’s confiscation of property spurred material hardship and posed obstacles to work, education, and access to services. And, finally, (c) respondents’ narratives revealed that enforcements provoked lasting worry, fear, anxiety, and despair.     

中美两国太空安全领域的互动

作为第四空间的太空是国际争夺的战略制高点。中美两国在太空领域有着广泛利益,涉及其国家安全与经济繁荣以及国际声望。中美两国之间的太空关系,事关国际战略稳定与平衡。尽管两国都主张太空安全,但是中美太空安全观大相径庭,在如何确保太空安全的方式上存在巨大差异。中国在安全困境下考虑和实施太空政策,谋求太空安全;美国则是推进太空武器化,保证美国治下的太空安全。两国在太空安全领域上进行了针锋相对的较量。美国使用传统守成大国对待崛起大国的方法,不仅研发更先进的(反)太空技术,而且也禁止中美太空合作,同时拼凑同盟,封堵中国(反)太空能力的发展。与美国相比,中国应对美国太空封堵手段相对较少,只有潜心发展自己的(反)太空能力,才能确保太空资产安全和国家安全。在外交场合下,在禁止太空军备竞赛与《禁止生产用于核武器及爆炸装置的裂变材料条约》、禁止太空武器化的国际条约与自愿性质的国际太空行为规范准则两组问题上,中美两国也进行了互不妥协的对抗。为降低两国在太空安全领域的对抗烈度,中美两国开启了民用太空对话与太空安全对话机制,同时,也不排除特朗普政府未来会启用中美外交安全对话机制处理太空安全问题。     

The geography of pre-criminal space: epidemiological imaginations of radicalisation risk in the UK Prevent Strategy, 2007–2017

ABSTRACT

This article explores geographical and epistemological shifts in the deployment of the UK Prevent strategy, 2007–2017. Counter-radicalisation policies of the Labour governments (2006–2010) focused heavily upon resilience-building activities in residential communities. They borrowed from historical models of crime prevention and public health to imagine radicalisation risk as an epidemiological concern in areas showing a 2% or higher demography of Muslims. However, this racialised and localised imagination of pre-criminal space was replaced after the election of the Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition in 2010. Residential communities were then de-emphasised as sites of risk, transmission and pre-criminal intervention. The Prevent Duty now deploys counter-radicalisation through national networks of education and health-care provision. Localised models of crime prevention (and their statistical, crime prevention epistemologies) have been de-emphasised in favour of big data inflected epistemologies of inductive, population-wide “safeguarding”. Through the biopolitical discourse of “safeguarding vulnerable adults”, the Prevent Duty has radically reconstituted the epidemiological imagination of pre-criminal space, imagining that all bodies are potentially vulnerable to infection by radicalisers and thus warrant surveillance.     

Peace education,militarism and neo-liberalism: conceptual reflections with empirical findings from the UK

This article explores ‘peace days’ in English schools as a form of peace education. From a historical overview of academic discussions on peace education in the US and Great Britain since the First World War, we identify three key factors important for peace education: the political context, the place in which peace days occur and pedagogical imperatives of providing a certain narrative of the sources of violence in politics. Although contemporary militarism and neoliberalism reduce the terrains for peace studies in English schools, peace days allow teachers to carve out spaces for peace education. Peace days in Benfield School, Newcastle and Comberton Village College, Cambridgeshire, are considered as case studies. We conclude with reflections on the opportunities and limitations of this approach to peace education, and on how peace educators and activists could enlarge its reach.