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291.
This article explores agonistic processes of peace, which are situated within and constitutive of different spaces and places. Three contested cities, Sarajevo, Mostar and Vi?egrad in Bosnia-Herzegovina, provide us with local sites where peace and peace building in various forms ‘take place’ as people come together in collective action. Through a close reading of three symbolically and materially important bridges in the towns, we reveal meaning-making processes, as agentive subjects struggle around competing claims in the post-conflict everyday world. The collective, situated and fleeting agency that we explore through the Arendtian notion of ‘space of appearance’ invests space with meaning, belonging and identity. Thus, this article grapples with agonistic peace as it manifests itself in materiality and spatial practices. We use the social and material spaces of the city to locate agency and agonism in peace building as they relate to the conflict legacy in Mostar, Vi?egrad and Sarajevo in order to advance the critical peace research agenda.  相似文献   
292.
This article analyzes the early stage of the Ukrainian “sixtiers” movement as a semi-autonomous space of cultural expression that was tolerated by the authorities and defined, developed, and inhabited by young Ukrainian intellectuals. In contrast to present-day Ukrainian representations of the sixtiers as a force acting in opposition to the Soviet regime, the spatial angle employed here reveals an ambiguous relationship with official institutions. The Ukrainian Komsomol organization in particular appears to be both a controlling and an enabling agent that, together with the Writers' Union, provided meeting venues for the sixtiers until the mid-1960s. This complex symbiotic relationship continued even after some creative youth pioneered the first attempts to claim public space for cultural events without the authorities' permission. The cultural terrain inhabited by young Ukrainian intellectuals was not fully separate from mainstream Soviet Ukrainian culture or in opposition to it, although their vibrant cultural space also reached into a world of non-conformist culture unregulated by the state. A series of government crackdowns beginning in the mid-1960s dramatically shrank this open, ambivalent space of semi-free cultural expression, imposing firm boundaries and forcing intellectuals to make political choices.  相似文献   
293.
田菊 《科技与法律》2021,(4):108-115
近年来,学术界越来越多的学科正在向空间理论研究转向.法律的空间性研究也具有一定学术和应用价值.本文以于法律空间性为研究视角,从三个不同的维度进行逻辑推演:维度构成、作用机制和研究方法.本研究的目的是探索利用抽象的数学模型来建构一个法律空间的可能性,特别是在信息技术高速发展的背景下,借鉴卢曼开创的系统法学方法论,以解释、...  相似文献   
294.
新生代农民工的城市融入问题是国内学术界重点关注的问题,这一研究综合了纵向和横向两种分化视角。从整体上来说,"空间融合型"新生代农民工的城市融入情况要好于"空间隔离型"新生代农民工。为了实现新生代农民工的城市融入,必须要改变当前新生代农民工在居住空间上与城市居民相互隔离的现状,使新生代农民工与城市居民在居住空间上融合在一起。  相似文献   
295.
Le Cheng  Xin Wang 《社会征候学》2019,29(4):507-523
Issues concerning cyber asset in cyberspace have intrigued the legislators, the judicial practitioners, the netizens, and even the onlookers in real world; simultaneously, academia is discussing the disputes aroused by this intangible object. However, various studies in the past refined the discussions in domains of law but the refinement fails to clarify the cyber-asset issues and to resolve the disputes. Therefore, a better understanding of what “cyber asset” is can be achieved by exploring cyber asset in the judicial discourses from a socio-semiotic perspective. In this study, judicial discourses are tantamount to the semiotic resource. Then, incorporating in a generic model of judicial discourses, we examine (1) how cyber asset as a sign has been framed by agents of the judicial institution of the People’s Republic of China; (2) how the judicial institution justified their framing; and (3) whether any temporal change in the semiotic system of cyber asset took place. Furthermore, by applying the five questions introduced by Van Leeuwen, we examine why the quandaries of cyber asset are aroused. In conclusion, we propose that the cyber-asset disputes can hardly be resolved unless joint efforts are made by the legislature and the judiciary of the People’s Republic of China.  相似文献   
296.
ABSTRACT

This visual essay presents a set of stories written for a performative walk in public space, complemented with a short reflection and documentary graphic material. The art intervention, titled ‘False stories from the history of Mostar’, was conceived and performed by Abart – an art production platform started in the city of Mostar in 2008 to work on contextual forms of socially engaged art practices. The intervention addressed eight problematic sites in the city, through fictional stories which aimed to expose the underlying processes shaping the transitional management of space in Mostar.  相似文献   
297.
Wu Yun 《The Pacific Review》2013,26(4):577-606
This paper reviews the evolution of China's policies towards arms control and disarmament in the past four decades. In so doing it analyzes the major factors shaping policy development, highlights the new challenges that China now confronts in arms control and disarmament and advances a new agenda for China in the contemporary context.  相似文献   
298.
住宅小区土地使用权表现形态   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
住宅小区土地使用权在权利形态上表现为建筑物基地使用权和附属基地使用权 ,从主体形态上表现为基地地表及其上下空间利用权 ,主要包括屋顶平台空间利用权和地下空间利用权 ,各种权利均有其特定的归属和利用关系。  相似文献   
299.
从城市化功能角度 ,结合温州特色 ,对温州大都市空间布局战略导向进行分析 ,提出体现山水、组团、家园式特色的温州大都市的空间布局基本要求和具体措施  相似文献   
300.
Policies sometimes exempt particular categories of regulatees for reasons of equity and political feasibility. Will the non‐exempt oppose the policy because they shoulder all of the policy costs? We outline an analytic framework for “stress testing” public support among the non‐exempt when they are provided negative information about exemptions and reduced policy effectiveness. Empirically, we study public support for the odd‐even road space rationing policy in India. Using a survey experiment with 2,182 car owners in Bangalore, we find considerable baseline support for this policy. While support among the non‐exempt erodes when they are told about exemptions, there is no additional erosion when they are told that exemptions reduce policy effectiveness. This suggests that the perception of fairness, not policy efficacy, drives the erosion of support among the non‐exempt. Yet the policy survives the stress test because the majority of respondents continue to support it, in spite of support erosion among the non‐exempt.  相似文献   
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