全文获取类型
收费全文 | 440篇 |
免费 | 35篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 33篇 |
工人农民 | 11篇 |
世界政治 | 16篇 |
外交国际关系 | 67篇 |
法律 | 101篇 |
中国共产党 | 15篇 |
中国政治 | 63篇 |
政治理论 | 70篇 |
综合类 | 99篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 1篇 |
2023年 | 5篇 |
2022年 | 5篇 |
2021年 | 6篇 |
2020年 | 25篇 |
2019年 | 19篇 |
2018年 | 12篇 |
2017年 | 22篇 |
2016年 | 27篇 |
2015年 | 15篇 |
2014年 | 37篇 |
2013年 | 62篇 |
2012年 | 30篇 |
2011年 | 22篇 |
2010年 | 17篇 |
2009年 | 21篇 |
2008年 | 22篇 |
2007年 | 36篇 |
2006年 | 22篇 |
2005年 | 22篇 |
2004年 | 19篇 |
2003年 | 10篇 |
2002年 | 6篇 |
2001年 | 5篇 |
2000年 | 2篇 |
1999年 | 2篇 |
1997年 | 1篇 |
1993年 | 1篇 |
1991年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有475条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
311.
郭旨龙 《北京人民警察学院学报》2014,(4):81-86
微博犯罪分为三种基本类型,其中微博作为犯罪对象依然可能,作为犯罪工具最为常见,作为犯罪空间正当其时。微博犯罪的对应罪名体系依据行为性质分为三大类型,内容行为、图利行为和其他行为分别对应数个罪名,各自适用情况有所不同;对微博犯罪具体适用何罪应当重视罪状中的"关键词"扩容,发展其立案追诉标准。未来需要根据微博犯罪罪名、定性和定量三方面的反思对其刑法策略进行系统完善。 相似文献
312.
罗竖元 《北京青年政治学院学报》2014,(4):46-51
农民工随迁子女的融入城市既是城镇化推进的动力,同时也是城镇化的最终目的.而现阶段在城乡隔离的二元社会体制的“社会屏蔽”机制与农民工随迁子女融入城市过程的“社会性防御”策略的双重作用下,导致了农民工随迁子女在城市中处于相互隔离状态,形成了“一座城市、两个生活圈子”的现象,进而在城市中形成了“二元社区”.因此,积极引导其融入城市已迫在眉睫.在引导农民工随迁子女城市融入的行动中,社区是其城市融入的“共存空间”,以社区为依托,开展促进农民工随迁子女的城市融入的“社区行动”,进而引导其在“共建共享”的社区文化中实现城市融入. 相似文献
313.
Cindy Vestergaard 《European Security》2014,23(1):106-117
Danish nuclear policy is at a crossroads. Looking back, Denmark's relationship to nuclear technology has been a difficult balancing act for successive governments, trying to soothe an anti-nuclear domestic sentiment on one side and the membership of a nuclear military alliance on the other. This history produced an enduring double approach to nuclear policy by Copenhagen throughout the cold war. Looking ahead, this history is of particular relevance as Denmark and Greenland are considering lifting their twenty-five-year ban on mining radioactive elements and allowing the production of Greenland's uranium. With Greenland's large reserves potentially catapulting this otherwise non-nuclear and non-mining kingdom into one of the world's top suppliers of uranium, the policy debate has to include a look back at Denmark's relationship to nuclear technology, for both peaceful and military purposes. 相似文献
314.
Wilbert van der Zeijden 《European Security》2014,23(1):45-57
Transparency, international credibility, democratic accountability, a new realism in defense expenditures – these basic policy goals fit awkwardly with the current deployment of nonstrategic nuclear weapons (NSNW) on Dutch territory. Most parties in the Netherlands want the NSNW removed. Some are even willing to challenge the idea that only consensus among all 28 NATO Allies can lead to the removal of the NSNW. The new Dutch minister of foreign affairs for example, Frans Timmermans, has a long track record of calling for an end to the deployment of US nuclear weapons on Dutch territory. Without NATO consent if necessary. His appointment fits with the political shift that we have seen over the past few years in Dutch politics. This article looks at the political rationale behind that shift: who are the main political actors involved? How have domestic and international pressures influenced party positions? The article also looks at the possibilities a new Dutch Government has were it to challenge the NATO consensus on NSNW. Would the USA refuse to take the NSNW away? How would NATO react and what could mitigate Allied concerns? 相似文献
315.
Stéfanie von Hlatky 《European Security》2014,23(1):1-14
This article discusses the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) debate regarding American nonstrategic nuclear weapons (NSNW) in Europe, given the broad spectrum of views on nuclear issues when comparing individual member states. What is striking is the gap between public attitudes – which are broadly hostile to keeping NSNW in Europe – and elite opinion, which privileges the maintenance of NATO commitments to preserve alliance cohesion. To better understand this tension, this article dissects the elements of extended nuclear deterrence in Europe, addressing the difficulties associated with current nuclear-sharing arrangements. For some NATO states, the alliance's nuclear weapons are a political liability, since nuclear sharing clashes with international disarmament and nonproliferation commitments. For other NATO members, maintaining the status quo is preferable, as long as there is no alliance-wide consensus on the question of NSNW. These debates have been put to rest, for now, with NATO's Deterrence and Defense Posture Review, which reaffirmed the purpose of the alliance's nuclear weapons. However, these divisive debates point to more fundamental issues in alliance management, namely the credibility of American commitments, the sustainability of extended nuclear deterrence in Europe and the inevitable political tensions these questions provoke at the domestic level for NATO allies. 相似文献
316.
列斐伏尔对空间的政治学反思 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
列斐伏尔认为空间不是简单意味着的几何学与传统地理学,而是一个社会关系的重组与社会秩序的建构过程.列斐伏尔的空间生产理论与马克思提出的生产、消费、阶级等核心概念具有直接的对应关系,这种对应构成了列斐伏尔构建空间生产理论的基石.列斐伏尔的空间生产理论丰富和发展了传统马克思主义政治学的研究视域. 相似文献
317.
318.
外空信息作战对传统战争法原则的新挑战 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
黄嘉 《西安政治学院学报》2007,20(4):62-65
随着空间信息技术的迅速发展和外空军事化的不断推进,外空信息作战的法律问题已引国际社会的关注。外空信息作战具有不同于传统作战的特征和方式,它们能否被认定为传统意义上的"使用武力"尚存有很多争议;外空信息设施往往具有军民两用性,从而使贯彻传统战争法的"区分性"原则和"比例原则"面临困难;信息的跨国界流动和空间信息设施的多国共有使关于战时中立的国际法规范面临挑战。 相似文献
319.
随着世界各国竞相进入太空拓展自身的国家利益,亟须有效的外交努力进行调适,以保证人类对太空的真正和平利用。但在太空安全的外交努力方面,目前存在着共同利益基础薄弱、外部强制力不足、基本理念和道义准则存异,以及权力分配结构失衡等困境。所有这些决定了摆脱困境只能走维护现有太空国际法框架、支持有关各方积极努力、倡导新安全观和抑制太空武器化的外交努力优先的渐进性路径,以求在注意太空技术特点的基础上,营造共存共赢的合作局面。 相似文献
320.
张丽霞 《长沙民政职业技术学院学报》2006,13(1):51-52
文中就市场需求的变化引出加强产品需求链的管理,提出了建立一条快速反应的产品需求供应链的多种方法,具有很强的现实意义。 相似文献