Race, Caste, or Class? The Bunche–Myrdal Dispute Over An American Dilemma

Few observers doubt that Gunnar Myrdal and Ralph J. Bunche had sharp methodological disagreements and differing approaches to tactics for ending the Negro problem. Myrdal has been criticized as a statist liberal and utopian moralist by recent cultural historians defending progressive nationalism (multiculturalism), while Bunche has been characterized as a vulgar Marxist, and, with Myrdal, a denigrator of black culture. Inspection of An American Dilemma in contrast with Bunche's research memoranda suggests that Myrdal represented himself as a Burkean conservative, while Bunche's analyses transmit the radical puritan libertarian tradition, but without rejecting social democratic remedies en route to working-class control of industry. Their shared emphasis on class-based remedies to end poverty and powerlessness, however, renders them similarly unassimilable in a period where the progressive left has generally embraced racial or ethnic identity, not class power, as the source of individual emancipation, mental health, and economic betterment.     

从“一纲四目”到“一国两制”: 中共三代领导集体与我党对台政策

“一国两制”理论是对“一纲四目”构想的继承和发展。其中“一纲四目”的形成经历了一个由武力解决到和平统一的转变;“一国两制”被作为一项长期的国策,“江八点”使其更加丰富和全面。     

江泽民对当代中国民主政治建设的卓越贡献

发展社会主义民主政治,是我们党始终不渝的奋斗目标,党的第三代领导核心江泽民强调高扬社会主义民主旗帜,反对西方民主;提出了把代表制民主和直接民主结合起来的推进战略;提出了“依法治国”方略,充分体现了社会主义民主的实质;提出了一系列民主建设的理论现点,从而丰富和发展了邓小平的民主思想,把当代中国的民主理论与实践推进到了一个新的阶段,     

The Future of the European “Social Model” in the Global Economy

This article examines the prospects for European welfare states in the context of globalization. It begins with a critical review of the globalization arguments. While there is some evidence that external constraints make life harder for policymakers seeking positive-sum outcomes, it is the combination of national debt and spending limits, plus domestic tax resistance, that really count in making expenditure-based social and employment policies more difficult in certain countries. In understanding the constraints and opportunities that will shape Europe's welfare future, globalization—crudely understood—is therefore much less influential than many suppose. While EMU has radically diminished national autonomy in exchange rate, monetary policy, and fiscal policy, there are also beneficial consequences for social policy and broader economic management. On the employment and social policy side, initiatives required to match greater flexibility with sustained security are now at the top of the EU agenda, and mechanisms for diffusing best practice across Europe are being put in place. Within this framework, European welfare states must place more emphasis on dynamic equality, being primarily attentive to the worst off, more hospitable to incentive-generating differentiation, and actively vigilant with regard to the openness of opportunity structures.     

论国家干预

国家对社会经济生活的干预是各种类型国家都具有的共同职能。在市场经济下,国家干预的程度、范围和形式较以往都有很大发展,其积极作用也得到更广泛的认同。但国家干预并非万能,它也有缺陷。要克服其缺陷,必须实行国家干预的法治化。国家干预的法治化包括两大基本内容：规范市场经济运行的基本规则和政府干预行为本身,其中,对后者的认识和强调具有更为重要的现实意义。     

Proportional representation and attitudes about politics: results from New Zealand

PR systems often are credited with producing more equitable outcomes between political parties and encouraging wider social group representation than majoritarian systems. Theory suggests that this should instill greater trust, efficacy, and faith in the political system. We assume that citizens disadvantaged by majoritarian rules (political minorities) will have a relatively greater shift toward positive attitudes about democracy following a transition from a majoritarian system to proportional representation. We employ panel data from the 1993–1996 New Zealand Election Study (NZES) to test hypotheses about the effects of electoral system change on attitudes about governmental responsiveness, trust in government, and political efficacy. We find that there is a general shift in mass opinion toward more positive attitudes on some measures of efficacy and responsiveness. Political minorities display a greater shift toward feelings of efficacy than other voters.     

Malaysia 13th General Election: A short note on Malaysia's continuing battle with ethnic politics

Malaysia's Barisan Nasional (a coalition of mainly ethnic-based parties) secured a narrow win in the country's recent election. Reacting to the dismal result, Malaysia's Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak blamed his party's losses on the “Chinese Tsunami”, which he described as the overwhelming support of Chinese voters for the opposition party – the Pakatan Rakyat (PR). This note believes that the debates on “Chinese Tsunami” highlight a larger imperative; Malaysians' constant struggle with race relations and what constitutes the character of Malaysia's political economy. Improving Malaysia's ethnic relations in the next five years remains daunting. The BN's weaker mandate and the PR's eagerness to assume leadership threatens to recycle more populist policies that can do more damage to Malaysia's ethnic relations.     

"政治与行政二分法"研究综述

"政治与行政二分法"从提出至今已有120多年的历史.随着社会的发展,虽然其遭到来自于凯恩斯主义、公共政策科学、新公共行政和新公共管理的批判和质疑,但其仍具有一定的理论价值和实践指导意义.本文从背景分析、内容陈述、批评回应和价值方面,对学界关于"政治与行政二分法"的研究进行了系统的梳理和研析.     

中国法治国法律文化的发展轨迹——以刑法文化的发展为视角

在中国传统法律文化中，国家权力主义和刑法工具主义色彩极为浓厚，政治国家占据着垄断地位，对社会进行全面的控制。法律文化的传播使我们看到，作为法治的根本标志之一的刑事法治，以刑法限制国家刑罚权，包括对立法权与司法权的限制，保障公民的自由与权利是人类社会的长期追求和共同期待。因此，我们要建设法治国的法律文化，使法律真正起到平衡利益、为和谐社会保驾护航的作用。     

福利制度的结构与社会政策

福利制度的结构决定了福利国家与社会政策之间有着一定的联系,只有从这一结构出发,制定社会政策时才可能避免简单化,使政策体现不同福利国家的具体差异,更好地实现福利的目的。