“坚持以人民为中心”的创新理念和重大实践对民办高校思政教育队伍建设的启示

习近平总书记在福建工作期间形成了极为宝贵的创新理念和重大实践。这些理念和实践具有前瞻性、开创性、战略性,其中“坚持以人民为中心”的理念和实践对民办高校思想政治教育队伍的建设有重要的指导意义。目前,民办高校思想政治教育队伍存在理论学习不深入、学生思想动态调研不充足、专业技能学习不及时、融入学生群体不顺畅、思想政治辅导员队伍不稳定、辅导员与思想政治理论课教师之间的思想政治教育不融合等薄弱点。针对这些问题,应将“坚持以人民为中心”作为民办高校思想政治教育工作的理念和实践,将一切工作的初衷紧紧围绕着学生这个群体,促进思想政治教育队伍的建设。     

网络民主热的冷思考

网络民主热潮的背后,折射出了现实政治的诸多困境.它的“一枝独秀”很大程度上缘于现实参与渠道的不畅通、多元民主力量的缺失以及代议机构功能不足等,它的有效治理取决于现实政治的容纳和对接,有赖于多元民主力量的壮大,以及各种民主形式之间的优势互补.     

建国初期国家管理和治理政策司法化探析

建国初期,新中国面临复杂形势和严峻局面,中国共产党率领中国人民在废除国民党《六法全书》以后,在法律不完备的情况下,创造性通过"运动治国""社论治国"的方式,用指示、规定和命令等政策、媒体和法治的方法,管理和治理国家,形成独特的管理国家的规律,为当下推进国家治理体系和治理能力的现代化,提供有益的借鉴。     

Political Parties and Grassroots Clientelist Strategies in Urban Turkey: One Neighbourhood at a Time

Both principal Turkish political parties make extensive use of patron–client networks, but in very different ways. The CHP relies on competing local brokers and synchronous vote buying. The AKP is at the centre of a network of public and private funding turning social policy to clientelist ends. Socially anchored AKP activists link the party to voters, allowing it to target social assistance for political advantage and take credit for improvement in local conditions. The case presented in this paper provides a natural experiment suggesting that this distinction is an important explanation for the AKP’s electoral success in low-income urban areas.     

Anomalous authoritarianism: what,which, why?

Research on autocracies has gained new momentum in the last decade. One element of this research is the observation that some autocracies are characterised by structural conditions that are normally conducive for democracy. These ‘anomalous autocracies’ have high levels of socioeconomic development and democratic neighbour countries. The study of these cases might expose factors that are decisive for autocratic stability and studying them might give us a better understanding of barriers towards democratisation. This paper contributes to the growing literature on autocracies by mapping anomalous autocracies during the third wave of democratisation, thereby paving the way for systematic case selection in future studies. A large-N analysis of 159 cases (1975–2008) identifies Belarus, Chile, China, Cuba, Morocco, North Korea, Peru, Singapore, Swaziland, Togo and Zimbabwe. In a second step, the paper lays out a theoretical framework that centres on actors and institutions. Rulers must establish elite–elite and elite–mass interaction, and this papers argues that they can do so through quasi-compliance of elites and the masses based on traditional institutions woven into a dominant party. The paper uses the framework to tentatively examine the resilience of authoritarian rule in Swaziland and Morocco, two most-different anomalous cases. In both cases, an elaborate traditional institution has co-opted government, business and rural elites and coordinated interaction within elite circles and with the masses, in turn enabling the remarkable regime resilience.     

From rural rebellions to urban riots: political competition and changing patterns of violent political revolt in Uganda

Violent political revolt has been common in independent Uganda. For a long time, such revolts were exclusively expressed as rural-based rebel groups fighting the government. Since the mid-2000s, however, this seems to have come to an end. Instead, urban riots, very rare in the past, have become much more common. This article analyses these changing patterns of types and location of violent political revolt in Uganda under the National Resistance Movement government. It argues that the earlier prevalence of rural rebellions can be explained by the combination of a coercive and militarised state, and weak and ethnically factionalised political forces who took their violent resistance to rural regional bases. Over time, however, government counter-insurgency became more effective and the conditions for insurgency were undermined by withdrawal of external support. Furthermore, the reintroduction of multi-party politics in 2005 opened up new avenues for political expression. The changes to the political system were, however, more nominal than real in many respects. While the rebel option had become less attractive and feasible, a series of social, economic and political grievances remained which were only partly channelled through party politics. They also found expression through sporadic urban violent revolt.     

《克丽丝德蓓》中的性别政治

美国学者凯特·米利特（Kate Millet）在她的著作《性别政治》一书中第一次明确地提出了性别政治的概念。米利特指出两性关系是一种统治与被统治的关系，即男性统治女性。这种权力结构长期以来被视为是理所当然的。《克丽丝德蓓》是英国浪漫主义时期诗人柯尔律治的三部代表作之一，长期以来在学术研究方面较少得到关注。《克丽丝德蓓》与作者其他两部代表作最明显的差异在于把历经磨难的主人公设定为一位柔弱少女。本文试图从男性作者视角的天使与魔鬼，男性力量的操纵与拯救和男性心理的公平与偏见等方面，阐释柯尔律治《克丽丝德蓓》中体现出的性别政治。     

网络舆情语境下提升民主党派基层组织参政议政能力的路径思考

当前,网络舆情在给我国民主党派基层组织参政议政带来机遇的同时,其突发性、偏差性、繁杂性等特性对民主党派基层组织的应急能力、政治智慧、实战水平等方面提出了严骏挑战,这就要求各民主党派基层组织应当勇于抓住网络舆情对参政议政带来的良好机遇,努力适应当前网络舆情发展的新形势,积极借助网络平台,时刻关注舆情讯息,充分汲取网络民意,深入开展网络调查与监督,着力提升参政议政能力。     

Guide to Authors

正Published by China Institute of International Studies,China International Studies is China’s first English-language journal on diplomacy and international politics for formal circulation.The magazine mainly publishes the latest research achievements of Chinese scholars and specialists on     

浅析警察职业倦怠的成因及对策

人民警察在实践"三大历史使命"中发挥着不可替代的作用。目前,部分警察中存在的职业倦怠问题严重影响了警察职能作用的发挥。文章分析了产生这种现象的原因,提出了解决警察职业倦怠问题的对策。