诚信——道德的立根之本

诚信就是诚实守信,是人之为人最重要的道德品质,是道德建设的黄金准则,是个人和社会赖以生存和发展的伦理基石,是构建社会伦理体系的基本要素.所以,诚信是一种丰富的社会道德资源.因此,我们应该根据中共中央颁布的<公民道德建设实施纲要>中提出的"明礼诚信"的道德要求,充分利用德治与法治的手段,利用诚信机制和社会主义法制,从内外两方面规范和约束人们的行为,使我们的社会得以健康稳定的发展,早日实现全面建设小康社会的目标.     

紧急状态下公民基本权利的限制与保障

在紧急状态下,国家必须行使紧急权力以维护公共利益,恢复社会秩序,因此紧急权力对公民基本权利作一定的限制是必要的,但由于国家权力的扩张性使然,必须同时对紧急权力加以限制,以使对公民基本权利的限制保持在合理限度内,这样才能真正使公民的权利得到保障.     

From Subjects to Citizens: On Educational Reforms and the Demarcation of the “Israeli-Arabs”

Based on a critical analysis of the Arab educational policy, from Israel's independence in the 1970s, this article examines the pivotal role of the state in engendering the trends of Palestinianization and Israelization that arguably characterize the attitude of the Arab minority to the Israeli state. Exploring the educational reforms of the 1960s and 1970s, it shows the contingent relation between ethnicity and the state, and also, the interrelationship between the intra-Jewish and Jewish-Arab divides. Looking at the ethnicization of social relations not as a preordained upshot of primordial realities, the history of the reforms unravels the changing patterns of inclusion and exclusion that result in demarcating the Arab minority as both Israeli and Palestinian, and in constructing the oxymoronic category of “Israeli-Arabs”. Seen from the perspective of the goals for Arab and Jewish education, this category manifests the internalization of the “Arab Question” and the shift in educational policy from preclusion to incorporation, but also the limits of inclusion. These goals thus epitomize the ways in which the new discourse of meritocracy (resulting from the liberalizing of the economy and society) had determined civic equality between Arab and Jewish citizens, but equally important, the seclusion of the Arab minority from both the Jewish (ethnic) society and the Palestinian (national) collective. In this sense, I argue, neither Israelization nor Palestinianization were a matter of choice. Rather, both constitute the inevitable dual path for social and political inclusion, limited as it is.     

Politics and Markets in the Irish 'Celtic Tiger'

Ireland's rate of growth and employment creation during the 1990s far outstripped economic performance in the rest of the OECD. Competing explanations are available in accounting for these outcomes, one stressing the primacy of the market, the other focusing on political choice. A case is made for the importance of politics, particularly the successful strategic adaptation to the challenges and opportunities afforded by the completion of the Single European Market during the 1990s. Ireland, as a small open economy, needs to combine effective external adjustment with appropriate domestic adjustment policies. Two policy areas are chosen for particular attention: industrial development strategy, and social partnership arrangements. This experience has implications beyond the Irish case, as the new central European and Baltic EU member states face similar challenges of policy adaptation.     

从国家与社会的分离看统一战线在构建和谐社会中的作用

如何实现党对社会的领导,是党在新阶段加强执政能力建设面临的重大任务,是建设社会主义和谐社会面临的重大任务。实现党对社会的领导,实际上就是在社会与国家分离后,需要有一个新的结构体系来整合。共产党领导的爱国统一战线是现成的结构体系。统一战线具有大团结、大联合和组织有序政治参与的功能,充分发挥这些功能,才能实现党对社会的领导,从而构建社会主义和谐社会。     

Democracy and decentralisation: local politics,marginalisation and political accountability in Uganda and South Africa

While democratic decentralisation is viewed as an important vehicle for development in sub‐Saharan Africa, its viability in practice is often doubted. Lack of resources, expertise, marginalised populations and the inexperience of local electors are all barriers to successful decentralisation. However, often overlooked are the diverse ways in which local people use the opportunities provided by democratic decentralisation to engage local authorities and demand accountability. Using examples from Uganda and South Africa,¹ this article demonstrates how local people use democratic openings to meet the challenges of marginalisation and demand accountability. While the data is from the mid to late 1990s, the evidence presented here is relevant to the continuing debate over democratic decentralisation for it reveals something that is not always recognised: lack of resources is not necessarily the problem; developing political capacity for demanding accountability for existing resources is what is important. The implication is that for decentralisation to be effective, practitioners must develop a better understanding of local political engagement so that their efforts may strengthen rather than thwart emerging political relations of accountability. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

外交承认的旧模式和新趋势

承认是外交、国际关系、国际法领域里一个古老的概念。在国际关系领域,承认一直被视作国家交往的前提条件,是否给予承认也因此成了一种政治资源。随着非国家行为体越来越多地参与国际社会进程,外交承认的原则已经在包容性和排他性两个极端之间发生重大的变化,欧盟的对外行为最能反映外交承认的新特征。但欧洲的创新没有取代传统外交,而只是增加了新层面。从长远来看,NGO和其他行为体参与国际社会对外交承认标准提出了挑战。     

海外中国公民安全问题与国籍国的保护

海外中国公民的安全问题已越来越引起人们的关注,而对其中所牵涉到的管辖权以及中国作为国籍国的保护等问题也是众说纷纭。本文以此为导引,围绕外国人的管辖、外国人的待遇、外交和领事保护等基本问题,从国际法和国内法两个不同的角度展开了全面而深入的分析。外国人合法权益的维护和保障必须按照国际法和国内法,并依靠国际社会的广泛合作才能取得良好的效果。     

和谐社会构建中的青年思想政治教育

构建社会主义和谐社会是我们党顺应历史发展潮流提出的战略目标。青年是党和国家的宝贵人才资源,是建设和谐社会的重要力量。因此,从理论上提高青年对构建社会主义和谐社会重要性的认识,帮助青年树立构建社会主义和谐社会的理想信念,培养其构建和谐社会的实践能力,已成为当前加强和改进青年思想政治教育需要认真重视的一个新课题。     

对无过错违法使用警械、武器的民警刑事追偿质疑——一例国家赔偿案引发的刑事追偿条件反思

现行国家赔偿法对违法使用警械、武器职权行为的刑事追偿条件失之于宽,缺乏主观过错要件。国家赔偿法中的违法与通常所称的违法不同,并不包含有主观过错条件。而追偿是对主观过错的惩戒,对无过错违法使用警械、武器的公安民警进行刑事追偿,则违背了立法的初衷,也与行政追偿的主观过错要件相矛盾,显然是一种立法疏漏。国家赔偿法应增设主观过错要件,将此情形排除在刑事追偿范围之外。