农村集体土地国有化是完善我国土地制度的必然选择

我国现行的城乡二元土地制度的弊端已经成为土地资源科学利用的最大障碍。调整农村土地集体所有制为国家所有制有利于促进农村土地的市场化、商品化；有利于实现农村剩余劳动力的自由、有效转移；有利于国内外资本向农村的投入；有利于土地资源的科学利用和我国工业化与城市化的发展。农村土地国有化不是对农民利益的剥夺，而是农民、国家和集体的共赢。具有实行的可能性。因此，我们应加快立法与改革的步伐，积极稳妥地推动农村集体土地国有化的进程。     

关于"税权"概念的法律思考--兼与张守文先生商榷

税权的主体、标的和内容不具有同质性,难以总结出一般的特性和共性,只能对税权的各项子权利作个别的描述,所以无法将"税权"定位为所有税法权利的上位概念,而只能在非严格的意义上将其视为税收权利的简称.对任何法学概念,不管是借用概念还是固有概念,都必须严格界定其内涵与外延,不根据本学科内在发展规律的需要随意移植其他学科领域、特别是政治宣传领域的名词与制度,会造成学科理论基础的不稳定以及体系的紊乱,有碍于本学科的长远发展.     

坚持从严治党巩固执政地位

学习江泽民同志“七一”重要讲话 ,认识苏联、东欧共产党丧失政权的教训 ,分析我党巩固执政地位的优势和面临的考验 ,提出按照“三个代表”要求 ,从严治党 ,加强党风廉政建设 ,保持党和国家长治久安的落实措施。     

试论中国有组织犯罪的演变及其成因

根据有组织犯罪的发展形态及特征 ,中国有组织犯罪按时间序列可分为三个阶段。作为观照社会问题的一类研究范式 ,“国家———社会”这一范式对于探讨有组织犯罪的演变及成因具有一定的意义。与中国有组织犯罪的不同发展时期相对应 ,国家与社会之间的关系发展呈现出不同的特点 ,而这些特点也是有组织犯罪形成与发展的重要原因。     

Economic Reform and Social Change in China: Past, Present, and Future of the Economic State

China's socioeconomic crisis before 1978 and its success over the past two decades can be viewed as a zigzag process of politicization and depoliticization of the economic state. By summarizing the Chinese experience, this article shows the importance of a specific pattern of general public policy (GPP) in determining the nature of a policy system. China's economic and serialized reforms since 1978 are reviewed in order to illuminate the current situation and future direction of the nation. The changes have undermined the economic state by creating a trend of de-economicization in the Chinese government. If economic reform and social change are to continue smoothly, another transfer of state emphasis to more balanced development is required.     

职工家庭消费需求行为及购买约束与科学消费

职工家庭收入由劳动收入、资本收入及转移收入三部分构成。职工家庭支出包括消费和投资支出,消费首先是物质消费,其次是精神文化消费。职工家庭消费是享用有偿提供的商品和服务,使人的需要得到满足的行为。职工家庭消费偏好是对特定的商品信任。职工家庭消费是生存必须基础,但是消费受职工家庭收入即实际购买力的约束,因此需要科学安排职工家庭消费支出。     

The Uniform Civil Code: The Politics of the Universal in Postcolonial India

This article speaks of a debate in contemporary India: that surrounding the validity of enacting a civil code that applies uniformly to all communities and religions in the state. In certain feminist arguments, such a code is seen as possibly providing a sphere of rights to Indian women that is alternative to the rights – or wrongs – given to them by the plural religious laws, which form the basis of the civil law in India. India, however, is a heterogeneous polity, encompassing a diversity of cultures and religions, some dominant and others forming minorities. Given these differences, some critics see the feminist call for a Uniform Civil Code as an essentialist move that prioritises gender over other agendas and politics. They argue that the site of the ‚universal’ in this feminist move is a liberal site that inherently excludes marginalised Others and benefits the dominant subjects in India. In my article, I contest this critique and question whether the site of the universal and its authorial subject in postcolonial India is, in fact, an exclusionary liberal ruse of power. I draw insights from the history of the formation of the postcolonial nation-state in India to posit an experience of the state and the universal within it, which is alternative to the Western liberal model. The aim of this article is, therefore, not so much to debate the in/validity of a Uniform Civil Code, as to address certain contemporary post-structuralist critiques of the site of the universal in postcolonial India and posit a departure from them, based on perspectives drawn from history.     

The integration of cooptation and coercion: China’s Taiwan strategy since 2001

In the past half-decade, China has developed a careful balance of cooptative and coercive power in its attempts to dampen the Taiwan independence movement and pursue political unification. In essence, attempts to curry favor with politically relevant constituencies on Taiwan have been paired with attempts to diplomatically isolate and militarily threaten the island's top policymakers. This balance is risky because of the possibility that it may appear too lenient to PRC nationalists, and too provocative to ROC residents. Nevertheless, the current structure of carrots and sticks has emerged for three reasons. First, the institutional coherence of Chinese decision-making and implementation has allowed for the viability of an adaptive, long-term approach. Second, the constraints on both unreinforced cooptation and coercive diplomacy have mediated toward a posture in which the former is enhanced and the latter downplayed. Third, expanded external opportunities in recent years have made it possible to exploit this middle ground.     

中共三代领导集体行政管理思想比较

中共三代领导集体的行政管理思想在指导思想、社会价值取向以及领导主体等方面存在着相同点,但他们在行政治理理念、对民主和法治的认识和重视程度等方面存在着显著的差异。     

多元文化背景下的云南道教——以南诏大理时期为中心

秦汉以来中华民族多元一体格局基本形成,道教逐渐传播进入西南少数民族地区。历史上唐朝与南诏的“苍山会盟”,其文书采用五斗米道“三官手书”的方式。南诏大理政权建立的神异事迹,反映出道教影响的历史事实。南诏大理时期的道教是多元文化背景下的必然产物,这与道教在中国社会的长期影响,与历史上各民族经济文化的密切联系有关。