国家犯罪及其刑事责任的确立依据

随着国际法的不断发展,传统国际法理论不断受到质疑和挑战。国家能否构成国际犯罪、应否承担刑事责任的问题已成为国际刑法学界争论的激烈问题。国内外刑法论著中有关国家犯罪和国家刑事责任问题的观点大致有四种。确立国家犯罪及其刑事责任有据可依。     

论犯罪低龄化与刑事责任年龄制度改革

追溯中国古代刑事责任年龄的立法沿革,研究国外及港澳台地区刑事责任年龄的阶段划分,对于更好地改革完善我国刑事责任年龄制度有着重要的借鉴意义。当前,针对未成年人犯罪低龄化趋势,适当降低刑事责任年龄既十分必要,又不失为一种有效的对策。     

政府改革的前景目标及路径选择

我国政府要为社会发展提供强大的引导力和保障力,需要进一步深化政府改革。政府改革想取得显著成效,必须确定其前景目标,并做出有效的路径选择。以建设讲求"投入产出"效应的廉价政府、讲求责任承担的高效政府、坚持以人为本的服务政府为目标,以完善制度保障、强化社会监督和调动民众参与为途径,发挥内力与外力的共同作用,将是我国政府改革的成功之路。     

改革没有穷尽 社会主义仍在路上——再论中国改革和发展关键时期的“主义”选择

近年来,中国社会和学界围绕改革开放问题的争论,实质是中国应该搞什么“主义”、走什么道路的问题。党的十七大对争论正面又旗帜鲜明地作了回答。中国社会主义的发展已经站在一个新的历史起点上,我们对中国社会的进步、社会主义事业的发展充满了信心,但我们面临的问题是严重的,中国社会主义的发展处在历史的关键时期。     

Kant’s Project of Perpetual Pacification

Richard Tuck locates a conundrum in the Hobbesian world view. Whereas the nation-state is desired to effect the pacification of the domestic sphere, a world state and the promise of global pacification is feared. Kant’s strong program for perpetual peace is presented as a moral imperative to establish through legal means a world republic based on reason and individual autonomy. Kant emphasizes the empirical impossibility of a world republic and hence advocates the weaker program of a world federation of states. This essay argues not the empirical but the logical impossibility of Kant’s strong program and by extension any program of perpetual peace that claims to be essentially different from ‘mere’ peace as truce. In so doing this essay distinguishes between political theory based on the assumption of the ontological priority of peace and political theory based on the assumption of the ontological priority of violence and argues for the necessity of thinking the latter.

论我国台湾地区“司法院”大法官解释两岸关系的方法

我国台湾地区"司法院"大法官凭借所谓"释宪"机制,在两岸关系发展中扮演着重要角色。其针对两岸关系,已作成"法统"型、权利型、制度型三类共16个解释。大法官在解释两岸关系时,综合运用了文义、论理、历史、体系等传统解释方法,以及"政治问题不审查"、"结果取向解释"以及"宪法解释宪法"等新兴解释方法。经过数十年的发展,大法官在选择解释两岸关系的方法时,表现出所谓"去政治化"倾向。而"台独"分裂势力也正是利用大法官解释两岸关系时的"去政治化"倾向,力图通过维持形式上"中立"的法学方法,为其"台独"目的提供"正当化"外衣。     

听力正常人听性稳态反应阈值与纯音测听阈值的比较

目的 通过比较听性稳态反应（auditory steady-state responses,ASSR）阈值与纯音测听（pure tone audiometry,PTA）阈值,为ASSR技术应用于听力障碍法医学鉴定提供技术数据。建立本实验室ASSR阈值与PTA阈值的校正值。方法 对27例（54耳）正常听力志愿者进行PTA及500、1000、2000和4000Hz的ASSR测试,采用配对t检验法比较测试耳ASSR闽值与PTA阈值的关系;并验证Smart EP-ASSR测试系统校正后的ASSR阈值与PTA阈值的一致性。结果 正常耳ASSR阈值较PTA阈值高（P〈0．05）,各频率差值：500Hz为（22．04±5．79）dB,1000Hz为（11．02±5．44）dB,2000Hz为（12．59±5．89）dB,4000Hz为（17．78±7．25）dB;仪器校正后的ASSR阈值与PTA阈值的差值：500Hz为（-3．96±5．79）dB,1000Hz为（0．02±5．44）dB,2000Hz为（-0．41±5．89）dB,4000Hz为（-1．25±7．25）dB。结论 听力正常人ASSR阈值较盯A阈值高,其差值在各频率不一致．平均为16．9dB。ASSR用于听力障碍法医学鉴定中评估行为听阈时,ASSR阈值需要进行校正。     

Domestic regulatory reform and transgovernmental networks: Brazil and China in the global competition regime

Developing countries increasingly participate in transgovernmental networks of global regulatory governance, but they do so in different ways. This article aims to provide an explanation for this variation for two of the major emerging powers in the world economy, Brazil and China, in their transition toward more active players in the global competition regime. Distinguishing between bilateral and multilateral transgovernmental networks and examining the domestic factors conditioning the transition of their national competition agencies from rule-takers to rule-promoters or rule-makers through these networks, the article makes theoretical contributions to the linkage between transgovernmentalism and the regulatory state. I argue that differing political needs and the incomplete process of regulatory state formation push domestic agencies to join transgovernmental networks, with a need for greater legitimacy steering the Brazilian regulators to multilateral networks and facilitating their transition from rule-takers to rule-promoters. The Chinese agencies' primary need for expertise rather than legitimacy, by contrast, led them to pursue technical assistance and cooperation via bilateral relationships. The Chinese approach has slowed its transition from rule-taker to rule-promoter where its norms and practices are aligned with the established powers. Such approach will further impede its transition into a global rule-maker in areas of competition law and policy where China's preferences diverge.     

The symbiotic tensions of the regulatory–carceral state: The case of cannabis legalization

Recent scholarship has emphasized the need to develop a polymorphic conceptualization of the regulatory state. This article contributes to this theory-building project by outlining a research agenda for exploring the symbiotic interactions and tensions between the regulatory and carceral morphs of the state. Using the case study of cannabis legalization reforms in the United States, we argue that the legitimation deficits of the carceral state stimulate the proliferation of new regulatory frameworks for governing social problems that were traditionally handled by the criminal justice system. We demonstrate how the polymorphic approach illuminates the ways in which the regulatory and carceral morphs of the state compete for influence over shared policy domains, but also complement and reinforce one another. Thus, rather than precipitating the demise of the carceral state, cannabis legalization reforms sustain a bifurcated governance structure perpetuating long-standing patterns of using drug law as a means for racialized social control.     

论我国公民的免于匮乏权

美国前总统富兰克林.罗斯福面对经济危机提出了包括公民应该享有"免于匮乏的自由"的著名四大自由。我国的法学理论中虽然没有这一概念,但宪法中关于"国家合理安排积累和消费,兼顾国家、集体和个人的利益,在发展生产的基础上,逐步改善人民的物质生活和文化生活"的规定,实质上就是关于公民免于匮乏权的表述。本文从现代国家的职责、国家权利(义务)与公民权利(义务)关系的角度论述了保障公民免于匮乏权是国家的法律义务,不能将此任推给公民家庭及个人,并通过对我国实践的剖析,提出应当避免过度从政策层面、经济层面及公民个人努力层面对公民进行免于匮乏权保障的路径选择,而应靠国家义务性、实践路径上的法律制度性来实现。