用科学发展观统领高校党建与思想政治工作——关于公安院校大学生党建工作的调查与思考

调查主要以问卷调查和召开座谈会两种形式进行,问卷调查主要围绕大学生党员的政治思想、学习态度、大学生党支部建设、大学生党员教育培训等四个方面展开。调查显示：公安院校大学生党建工作在大学生思想政治教育中占主导地位．应用科学发展观统领高校党建与思想政治工作。     

大学生“红色社团”发展现状与开发模型研究

大学生＂红色社团＂是对大学生进行思想政治教育的重要阵地和有效载体,红色社团开发模型以学校培育和支持的马克思主义理论学习实践项目为导向,红色社团开发模型以学生对学习实践马克思主义理论产生兴趣为基础,红色社团开发模型以核心人物的模范作用来带动。     

“全球化背景下高等教育特色发展模式论坛”综述

“全球化背景下高等教育特色发展模式论坛”围绕着高等教育的发展特色,高等教育如何与社会接轨、如何为社会服务,高等教育的培养目标、教育方法等热点问题进行了充分的交流。强调信息化时代对高等教育提出了新的挑战,教育要具有适应性和弹性;强调高等教育必须服务于社会需求;强调高等教育必须注重内涵建设;引入了公安教育的新视角——私人保安教育与培训,为我院公安教育的深入研究和发展提供了新的思路、拓展了新的领域。     

大学生创新能力培养、素质教育与价值之维

国力的强弱越来越取决于劳动者的素质,取决于各类人才的数量和质量。知识和人才、民族素质和创造能力越来越成为一个国家综合国力强弱的重要标志,成为推动和制约经济增长和社会发展的关键因素。全面进行素质教育,大力提高大学生的综合素质,培养创新精神和实践能力的优秀人才,是使大学生在德、智、体、美、能等方面全面发展,体现大学生应有的价值的必然选择,也是高校培养人才的一项紧迫的任务。     

经济增长、社会发展与男孩偏好:基于治理的视角

本文基于1990、2000年全国人口普查数据和1995、2005年全国1%人口抽样调查数据,采用了多层线性模型(HLM)方法,对经济增长、社会发展和男孩偏好之间的关系进行了分析。发现较高的经济增长水平和社会发展程度有助于出生人口性别比治理绩效的实现,但受到男孩偏好强弱程度的影响。论文结尾分析了研究结论对于出生人口性别比治理的政策启示,并指出了局限性和未来改进方向。     

北京物联网建设和发展现状的调查与思考

物联网被很多国家当作应对国际金融危机、振兴经济的重点领域。我国也将物联网产业纳入到国家战略性新兴产业范围,并加大了物联网研发和建设的力度。本文通过调查研究当前北京物联网建设和发展的状况,分析研究制约北京物联网发展的因素,提出推进北京物联网建设和发展的相关对策建议。     

‘A pretty kettle of fish’: United Nations assistance in the mass dismissal of labor in the Iranian oil industry, 1959–1960

ABSTRACT

This article examines the assignment of John Alexander-Sinclair, a British United Nations (UN) development expert, in Iran. In the late 1960s, Alexander-Sinclair was invited to arrange the ‘redeployment’ of 20,000 allegedly redundant oil workers and mediate between the consortium of European and American companies, which was in de facto control of the country’s oil industry, and the state-led National Iranian Oil Company, which was nominally in charge. His UN mission enabled the cooperation between Iranian officials and foreign companies, which eventually led to the severance of workers on a massive scale. Much of the existing scholarly work on the history of international organizations and labor has focused on the role of the former in advocating international norms to improve the lives of workers across the globe. This article, by contrast, examines the use of UN assistance as a means to circumvent workers’ existing protections and benefits. Second, the notion of a ‘rule of experts,’ which suggests that development practitioners gained unprecedented powers after World War II, dominates much of the secondary literature. By showing how the UN representative in Iran appeared as a rather impotent pawn in the politics of local interest groups, the article demonstrates the limits of this argument.     

和平发展与普世价值

中国走和平发展道路,必须顺应时代潮流,将本国利益同世界各国共同利益紧密结合起来。在全球化时代,中国要与世界各国构建"价值共同体",就需要接纳、塑造普世价值,妥善应对西方推广"普世价值"战略,需要将普世价值本身与西方的说词区别开来,同时积极构建中国自己的普世价值体系。     

从"人"的发现到"以人为本"--马克思的"人学"发展理路

马克思对"人"的新发现在于揭示出"人是人的最高本质"、人的本质是一切社会关系的总和等命题,并从人的存在方式的多样性角度提炼出人的本质和特点.马克思人学思想有着深刻的"以人为本"底蕴,表现在人处于实践和理论的出发点地位;社会发展是"人的解放"的过程;"每个人的自由发展"是人的发展的目的.马克思人学思想有着强烈的实践性特征.     

Repositioning urban bias: Non-state providers' use of spatialised networks in Bangladesh

Urban bias theory predicts urban areas of developing countries receive disproportionately more resources than rural areas due to their concentration of numerically large, politically important “vote banks.” This has not been the case in Bangladesh. This study finds that this variation occurs due to non-state providers (NSPs) changing the landscape of resource allocation. Operating on the premise that state control leads to more services in urban areas, urban bias fails to account for NSPs as critical service providers. Employing a grounded theory strategy to explore urban-rural dynamics in service provision and to build on urban bias theory, this research highlights interactions between state and non-state actors. It argues that spatialized political networks, networks of formal and informal leadership more difficult to access in urban areas, influence the locality of service provision. Though NSPs recognize increased need in urban areas of Bangladesh, their interventions in those areas remain peripheral due to differing structures of government accountability and differing levels of community acceptance facilitating these networks. The need for NSPs to adapt their activities to restrictive governance mechanisms reflects the changing space for NSPs in the context of semi-democratic regimes.