The new left and labor: The early years (1960–1963)

This article analyses the labour history of Italy's recruitment of workers for settlement in the Italian colony of Eritrea. The quest for full employment, both in Italy and within its nascent colonial ‘empire’, was the main driving force behind Italian colonialism in general. Italy's labour policy, which started to take shape in the 1890s, was never linear. Unlike the previous liberal Governments, the Fascist regime's policy was far more determined to use its colonies as places to settle the Italian peasant masses (the same that were migrating to the Americas for a better life, a trend which Fascist Italy considered humiliating to the mother country). In keeping with its vision of the colonies as a means to attain full employment, Fascist ideology characterised the Italian colonial empire as an ‘empire of labour’. In fact, the reality of the labour situation that Italian workers found themselves in after settling in Italy's African colonies would soon show the fallacy underlying Fascist colonial ideology.     

三大经济失衡是美国金融危机产生的重要原因

美国经济的三大失衡指物品市场的供求失衡、货币市场的供求失衡、虚拟经济与实体经济的比例失衡。这三大失衡是美国金融危机产生的重要原因。物品市场的供求失衡加大了供给与现期有效需求之间的矛盾;货币市场的供求失衡影响到一个国家乃至整个世界经济的稳定;虚拟经济与实体经济的比例失衡影响到整个经济稳定的基础。     

Market Demand for Civic Affairs News

This paper uses time series methods to test the relationship between civic affairs content and audience share for the ABC, CBS, and NBC evening news in the mid-1990s. Because these programs competed in the same market, but varied the amount of their civic affairs coverage, they present an excellent opportunity to analyze this relationship. The study uses hand-coded news abstracts and O.J. Simpson murder trial coverage as separate measures of news content. The study finds that lower levels of civic affairs content and higher levels of O.J. news are associated with greater audience share.     

An Analysis of Political Ambition in Britain

Representative democracies require sufficient numbers of citizens to put themselves forward as candidates for political office. Existing studies have shown that political institutions are not representative of the population as a whole, suggesting that political ambition is not evenly distributed across all potential candidates. We discuss evidence from the first systematic study of political ambition in Britain, examining the question of who is interested in putting themselves forward for political office. We find patterns in the distribution of political ambition that help to explain why British political institutions do not look like the British people as a whole and include a gender gap, a social class gap, an education gap, a north–south divide, and a personality gap. We discuss the implications of our findings for political parties, arguing that they need to adjust practices of candidate recruitment in such a way that minimises the effects of these biases.     

Trading in the secretive commodity

Over the past century and a half, a handful of transnational corporations have built fortunes trading commodity crops such as corn, soy and wheat. Graded and standardized, these commodities are considered uniform and therefore fungible; information about their origins need not accompany them to market. But in recent years major food brands, as part of broader ‘sustainable sourcing’ commitments, have begun to ask about the places and practices that produce these crops. Their inquiries have exposed the limits of the commodity traders’ supposedly unrivalled market intelligence. They also raise questions about how the advent of agricultural grades and standards made knowledge of crop origins seem unnecessary in certain commodity supply chains, and about how those supply chains might henceforth change, now that lack of such knowledge has become a liability.     

Transnational advocacy networks in global supply chains: a study of civil society organizations’ sugar movements in Cambodia

As a contribution to the growing literature on transnational advocacy networks (TANs) in the global production networks, this article examines how civil society organizations (CSOs), which have adopted the TAN approach, influence the sugar industry in Cambodia. Due to ineffective domestic influencing strategies, the CSOs adopted the TAN approach and escalated to an international supply chain movement approach (ISCMA) aiming to influence international stakeholders at each stage of the sugar supply chain in order to leverage boomerang pressure on the sugar producing companies and the Government of Cambodia. Despite its resourceful networking strategies, the ISCMA failed to leverage significant influence on the sugar companies and the government to achieve its demands. The failure was not due to weak networks, but was in part due to the political nexus between the government and the sugar companies. This article suggests that to ensure the effectiveness of CSOs’ actions within the TAN framework in the global production networks, one should take into account the power of the government in relation to local politico-commercial elites.     

农村公共品供给效率与基层民主政治建设——基于W村的个案分析

在新的发展阶段,建设社会主义新农村,无疑对农村公共品的供给提出了更新、更高的要求,而基层民主机制的缺乏和不完善。以及行政系统本身的弱点,引发了供给效率低下的问题。文章从一个村庄实证探讨了农村民主政治建设和供给效率的关联,并提出了合理化供给的政策以及制度改革的建议和设想。以促使政府提供农村公共品符合效率目标的要求。     

发挥社院作用 服务海西建设

社会主义学院在贯彻落实统一战线为海峡西岸经济区建设提供最广泛力量支撑的战略思路过程中,应立足自身政治学院特点,当好思想者、教育者、组织者、行动者,突出培训主业,不断有所创新,突出海西社院特色,提高"三支队伍"素质,为海西建设力量支撑提供人才支持.     

试论海西崛起与统战法宝的作用

海西发展是福建省履行科学发展、构建和谐社会的巨大实践活动，是台湾民众观察大陆的重要窗口。巩固和壮大统一战线，能够为海西崛起奠定坚实广泛的力量支撑。如何妥善处理海西崛起与统一战线之间的关系，日显凸起，成为本文研究探讨的重点。     

新农村建设中公共物品供给问题及对策

农村公共物品供给问题是目前我国建设社会主义新农村必须着力解决的主要问题之一。我国农村公共物品供给在取得许多成就的同时,还存在着供给主体单一、资金短缺、供求失衡以及地区差异明显等问题。针对这些问题找出相应的对策,对破解"三农"问题乃至对整个新农村的建设都具有重要意义。