调整税收政策，加快西部地区经济发展

实施西部大开发战略,需要税收的支持。我国现行的税收政策存在着制约西部地区经济发展的因素,西部大开发税收优惠政策也没有发挥出它应有的作用。因此,要使西部地区经济得到更快的发展,就必须调整现行部分税收政策、完善税收优惠政策、进行税收制度创新,如制定限制性税收政策和试行生态税收制度,形成完整的区域性税收政策。     

The classification of electoral systems: Bringing legislators back in

It is widely assumed that electoral institutions shape politicians' incentive for personal vote-seeking, with important behavioral and policy consequences. Yet, there is a surprising lack of consensus on how to compare real-world electoral institutions. Using new data this paper examines how legislators' own perception of their electoral incentives in fifteen democracies correspond to some of the most seminal classification schemes in political science. Our survey of 2326 legislators – the empirically broadest study of personal vote orientation so far conducted – demonstrates that legislators do not always understand electoral incentives in the same way scholarly rankings do, highlighting the need for scholars of political institutions to justify their choice of classification scheme. If not, an entire body of literature may be misguided.     

WTO视角下我国税收犯罪立法面临的挑战及发展态势

中国加入WTO,对现行税制的冲击无疑是巨大的.由此而引致的税收犯罪是新型的和复杂的.也使我国的税收犯罪立法面临着严峻的挑战.如何从容应对挑战并准确预测税收犯罪立法的发展态势,让刑法的公正内涵与保护外延,在WTO规则面前获得淋漓尽致的发挥,这是摆在法律工作者特别是刑事立法工作者面前的一项十分重要而又紧迫的任务.     

电子商务对国际税法的挑战

网络促进了全球化电子商务的迅速发展。电子商务的出现,无疑为人们提供了新的商贸空间和商机,但它所引发的税收问题也是不容忽视的。电子商务的新特点使税收的传统控管手段失灵。我国应建立新的税收征管体制,以应对电子商务带来的新挑战。     

西方典型发达国家物业税发展情况比较研究

物业税是当今中国税制改革的一个热点问题,也是各国税收制度的一项重要内容,由于历史、文化、国情以及经济调控目标各异,各国物业税在征收主体、征税对象、计税方法等方面存在较大差异.比较美、加、日等西方典型发达国家物业税收制度,分析国外物业税的政策趋向,试图将其一些先进方法思想运用到中国的物业税改革中,从而为中国顺利的推行物业税提供借鉴.     

虚开增值税专用发票罪若干问题探析

虚开增值税专用发票罪是我国新刑法规定的一个新罪名。由于本罪具有较强的专业性,刑法的规定也不很清晰,所以,与本罪相关的一些问题在司法实践中引起了争议。比如,虚开增值税专用发票又以此骗取国家税款的行为应如何定性、对虚开增值税专用发票罪是否可以适用死刑等。对此,只有在综合分析后才能得出正确的结论。     

Security Providers: Obstacles to Effectiveness in Democracies

To usefully discuss security, one must analyze the security providers states utilize to enhance international and domestic security. These are the armed forces, police, and intelligence agencies. This paper analyzes the implications of democratization on the requirements—posited as strategies, resources, and coordination institutions—these providers require in order to achieve the goals civilian leaders set for them. In analyzing case studies of how nations implement six different tasks, it becomes clear that the absence, or weakness, in any of the requirements leads to serious weakness in implementation. Two findings from the case studies are particularly important for policy. First, presidents, who are elected directly and for fixed terms, may ignore or even abolish institutions, including national security councils, that are created to coordinate policy. Second, as civilians are in control, if they lack clear incentives they are not willing to provide the necessary requirements for the security providers.     

Points for Place: Can State Governments Shape Siting Patterns of Low-Income Housing Tax Credit Developments?

There is considerable controversy about the allocation of Low-Income Housing Tax Credits (LIHTC). Some charge that credits are disproportionately allocated to developments in poor, minority neighborhoods without additional investments and thereby reinforcing patterns of poverty concentration and racial segregation. We examine whether Qualified Allocation Plans, which outline the selection criteria states use when awarding credits, can serve as an effective tool for directing credits to higher opportunity neighborhoods (or neighborhoods that offer a rich set of resources, such as high-performing schools and access to jobs) for states wishing to do so. To answer this question, we study changes in the location criteria outlined in allocation plans for 20 different states across the country between 2002 and 2010, and observe the degree to which those modifications are associated with changes in the poverty rates and racial composition of the neighborhoods where developments awarded tax credits are located. We find evidence that changes to allocation plans that prioritize higher opportunity neighborhoods are associated with increases in the share of credits allocated to housing units in lower poverty neighborhoods and reductions in the share allocated to those in predominantly minority neighborhoods. This analysis provides the first source of empirical evidence that state allocation plans can shape LIHTC siting patterns.     

Gateway to Opportunity? Disparities in Neighborhood Conditions Among Low-Income Housing Tax Credit Residents

A key goal of housing assistance programs is to help lower income households reach neighborhoods of opportunity. Studies have described the degree to which Low-Income Housing Tax Credit (LIHTC) developments are located in high-opportunity neighborhoods, but our focus is on how neighborhood outcomes vary across different subsets of LIHTC residents. We also examine whether LIHTC households are better able to reach certain types of neighborhood opportunities. Specifically, we use new data on LIHTC tenants in 12 states along with eight measures of neighborhood opportunity. We find that compared with other rental units, LIHTC units are located in neighborhoods with higher poverty rates, weaker labor markets, more polluted environments, and lower performing schools, but better transit access. We also find that compared with other LIHTC tenants, poor and minority tenants live in neighborhoods that are significantly more disadvantaged.     

Mobilising volunteer activists in political parties: the view from central office

The role of volunteer activists in the success of election campaigning has undergone somewhat of a renaissance in the last decade or so. It is now becoming increasingly evident that having a strong volunteer activist base is central to winning elections, especially when the campaign is a close run affair. This then raises the important question of how to raise the volunteer armies necessary for such work. Indeed, there is a reasonably long standing literature on what might incentivise people to become active in political parties. However, there is relatively little work done on what party managers are able and willing to offer members as incentives for activism. Using new data from extensive interviews with professional party managers working in the central offices of political parties, this article explores the ways in which such party managers have worked to incentivise volunteer activists. From this data, it offers a new framework for encouraging volunteer activism through inclusive party organisations.