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111.
法益的体系性位置可以从法益与实定法的关系、讨论法益问题的领域两个角度来分析。在不同领域内讨论的法益,有不同的概念选择,发挥不同的功能。犯罪立法概念中的法益只能是宪法性法益,其功能在于为刑事立法者提供适当的刑事政策标准。犯罪司法概念中的法益,在入罪判断时只能是后刑法法益,可以指导解释刑法规定的行为构成;在出罪判断时只能是宪法性法益,通过法益价值的衡量,对符合行为构成的行为进行正当化处理。 相似文献
112.
当代信息技术的飞跃发展使盗播广播节目更加容易,广播组织的邻接权受到了日益严重的侵权威胁,以《罗马公约》为基础的广播组织权利保护制度越来越不能适应信息技术发展的要求。世界知识产权组织主持并拟定了保护广播组织权利的新方案,扩大了广播组织的权利,但该方案也遭到了来自广大发展中国家及一些发达国家政府、企事业单位的强烈批评。我国应当密切关注国际广播组织权利保护的最新动向,对我国著作权法做及时的修改,在保护广播组织权利的同时注意维护社会公众正当的利益。 相似文献
113.
善意是对虚假信息传递途径的不知情,它必然与行为相关联,与恶意存在非此即彼的互异关系。善意的判断与过失的判断是两个不同的问题,但基于利益衡量,行为人的重大过失妨碍其善意的成立。由于善意认定方法的综合判断属性及对客观事实的适度超越性、认定结论的弹性化、非验证性以及很难直接以反证推翻的特征,决定了善意认定的法律判断属性。在具体认定过程中,反推技术是一种便捷且有效的方法。 相似文献
114.
由于政策制定者与政策执行者的相对分开,使得政策制定权与政策执行权产生分离,导致政策执行过程中委托代理关系的形成,使政策执行极易陷入委托代理困境,从而导致政策执行失败.其主要原因是政策制定者与执行者之间存在着信息的不对称、利益的不一致和权责的不对等.通过对政策执行者的监督、激励以及对其败德行为的惩罚,可以有效地化解政策执行中的委托代理困境从而防止政策执行失败. 相似文献
115.
Sergey Sevastyanov 《East Asia》2008,25(1):35-55
The article examines Russia’s New Energy Policy (NEP) and its impact on Northeast Asian security and the development of the
Russian Far East. In contrast to analyses highlighting competition between China and Japan for Russian resources, to the contrary
it is argued here that greater cooperation among consumer states in Northeast Asia would be beneficial for Russia. Although
the NEP has resulted in changes in the composition of foreign investors in Russian energy projects, the author suggests that
Moscow is interested in multinational cooperation in the energy sector because it would help diversify the regional energy
market and contribute to the development of the Russian Far East and eastern Siberia.
Sergey Sevastyanov is a Professor of Political Science at the Department of International Economics, and a Director of the International Studies Centre of the Vladivostok State University of Economics and Service (VSUES), Vladivostok, Russia. From 2003 till 2006 he served as VSUES Vice-President for International Programs. By training he is specialized on international relations. His research interests include East Asia’s regionalism focusing on multilateral cooperation models in economics and security. At VSUES he teaches a study course on International Organizations for Economic and Security Cooperation. From August 2006 till May 2007 he was a Fulbright Professor teaching International Relations at the University of Louisville, Kentucky, USA. He holds a Ph.D in Political Science from the Moscow State Institute of International Relations (MGIMO-University), Moscow, RF. 相似文献
Sergey SevastyanovEmail: |
Sergey Sevastyanov is a Professor of Political Science at the Department of International Economics, and a Director of the International Studies Centre of the Vladivostok State University of Economics and Service (VSUES), Vladivostok, Russia. From 2003 till 2006 he served as VSUES Vice-President for International Programs. By training he is specialized on international relations. His research interests include East Asia’s regionalism focusing on multilateral cooperation models in economics and security. At VSUES he teaches a study course on International Organizations for Economic and Security Cooperation. From August 2006 till May 2007 he was a Fulbright Professor teaching International Relations at the University of Louisville, Kentucky, USA. He holds a Ph.D in Political Science from the Moscow State Institute of International Relations (MGIMO-University), Moscow, RF. 相似文献
116.
日本政府对企业人力资源开发支持政策变迁对我国的启示 总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5
以"终身雇佣制"为基础的"企业培训"为日本的经济发展提供了人才保证,可以说是日本经济实现高速增长的支柱之一。但随着日本国际、国内经济环境的变化,为实现从后发展经济向工业化经济转变而形成的日本型经济体制开始动摇。支持日本经济发展的强有力的"日本型企业培训"由于失去了制度保障而受到了很大的冲击。针对上述情况,为促进企业积极、持续地进行人力资源开发,以保持日本经济发展的可持续性。日本政府在支持企业人力资源开发方面政策采取了一些政策,值得我国政府学习和借鉴。 相似文献
117.
The ‘coordinate plane of global governance’ developed in this paper describes the trade-off between static gains and dynamic
losses associated with international policy harmonization. A simple model illustrates how potential gains result from producing
positive international spill-overs, whereas potential losses come from restricted systems competition between national policy
regimes. The solution to this model allows identifying the cut-off level between policies suitable for global harmonization
and policies which should better not be centralized. An application of the concept to selected policy fields illustrates its
relevance for decision-making on global governance.
相似文献
Oliver LorzEmail: |
118.
日本近代政党政治家原敬(1856—1921)的中国观具有典型的时代烙印,即"适时适机"地从中国牟取利权。同时,原敬的中国观亦有其独特的思维模式和见解:"对清政略即对欧政略,对欧政略即护国政略。"另一方面,原敬在这一时期已经将目光更多地转向日本资本主义在中国的经济利益。从重视经济利益和国际竞争的角度出发,原敬认为日本在外交上不能采取强硬的举措,要注意和中国官民"友好相处",在中国维持一种对日本而言比较和平的氛围。 相似文献
119.
Xufeng Zhu 《Policy Sciences》2008,41(4):315-334
Studies of policy entrepreneurs have become a staple of public policy research. Very few such studies deal with the circumstances
of China. This paper aims to remedy this oversight by exploring the mechanisms of policy change in China. Using John Kingdon’s
Multiple Streams (MS) Model, the author develops the “Technical Infeasibility Model.” The paper tests the MS model’s applicability
to China by examining strategies put forth by Chinese policy entrepreneurs in the third sector. It considers how they may
successfully promote change by using a strategy of proposing a relatively radical policy concept that is politically acceptable
and technically infeasible to policy makers. To illustrate such a strategy, this paper considers a case of policy change involving
Chinese urban vagrants. The policy on “Detention and Repatriation,” which was first implemented in 1982, was challenged following
the Sun Zhigang Incident in March 2003. Shortly thereafter law scholars filed two suggestion letters to the National People’s
Congress Standing Committee calling for a constitutionality review of the Detention and Repatriation System. Though it was
“technically infeasible” to air such a proposal in China at that time, the State Council initiated action to abolish certain
provisions of the Detention and Repatriation System. However, the National People’s Congress Standing Committee did not conduct
a constitutionality review.
相似文献
Xufeng ZhuEmail: |
120.
ASMITA NAIK 《The Political quarterly》2008,79(3):426-433
Healthy eating is high on the government's agenda in current times and to all intents and purposes the media appears to have played a crucial role in putting it there. While media focus is no doubt intense and playing a vital role in public education (take Jamie Oliver's 2005 Channel 4 documentary, ‘School dinners’, for example), the question that lies at the heart of this article, is whether the media has led the government agenda on healthy eating and school dinners as appears to be the case. A close examination of the evidence suggests otherwise: government policy was already well set before the media began to show a concerted interest and hence its influence on policy‐making is more limited than might be expected. Rather than setting agendas per se, the media's role has been to refine and energise existing policy areas and to facilitate implementation. 相似文献