完善物业管理法律制度的思考

物业管理作为一个新兴行业,法律规范是其运作的基本前提和重要保障。我国目前仍没有一个具有权威性的物业管理的法律规范,现有的政策、法规尚不配套,未能形成一个有机的系统。我国现行《城市新建住宅小区管理办法》、《公司法》、《物业管理公司资质暂行规定》等法律、法规急待修订。     

Digital Realism and the Governance of Spam as Cybercrime

Spamming is a major threat to the formation of public trust in the Internet and discourages broader civil participation in the emerging information society. To the individual, spams are usually little more than a nuisance, but collectively they expose Internet users to a panoply of new risks while threatening the communications and commercial infrastructure. Spamming also raises important questions of criminological interest. On the one hand it is an example of a pure cybercrime – a harmful behaviour mediated by the Internet that is the subject of criminal law, while on the other hand, it is a behaviour that has in practice been most effectively contained technologically by the manipulation of ‘code’ – but at what cost? Because there is not an agreed meaning as to what constitutes ‘online order’ that renders it simply and uncritically reducible to a set of formulae and algorithms that can be subsequently imposed (surreptitiously) by technological processes. The imposition of order online, as it is offline, needs to be subject to critical discussion and also checks and balances that have their origins in the authority of law. This article deconstructs and analyses spamming behaviour, before exploring the boundaries between law and code (technology) as governance in order to inform and stimulate the debate over the embedding of cybercrime prevention policy within the code itself.     

“网络援助”系统工程的可行性探讨

首次提出了"网络援助"概念.网络援助系统的出现,可以以第三方介入的形式来帮助计算机应用人员缓解信息技术快速发展带来的压力,提高计算机应用人员的应用能力,从而缩小"技术鸿沟",秉持"普遍性服务"和"公平近用"的理念,挖掘信息技术的应用和发展潜力,以人为本,推动信息技术的普及.     

山西省个体私营经济发展状况调研报告

文章回顾了我国个体私营经济的发展历程,重点对山西省的个体私营经济发展状况进行了考察,并对其发展前景进行了展望。     

简论阿马蒂亚·森理论对中国反贫困的启示

"自由"有超越效率、经济利益的意义,发展就是自由的扩展。"自由"的基础是要有"可行能力"。市场的整体成就深深地依赖于政治和社会安排。贫困的实质不是收入的低下,而是可行能力的贫困或被剥夺。中国反贫困对策的核心是政府要通过恰当的公共政策来提高贫困人口的可行能力。     

The Role of EU Internal Policies in Implementing Greenhouse Gas Mitigation Options to Achieve Kyoto Targets

This paper reviews the role of internal European Union (EU) policies and measures in implementing the target for greenhouse gas mitigation in the Kyoto Protocol. It starts with a discussion of the EU Burden Sharing Agreement, which distributes the target between Member States. This leads to a review of the appropriate level of implementation of policies, i.e. at the EU level or Member State level. There is a role for the flexible mechanisms of the Protocol, particularly emission permit trading, in complementing Member State policies at the EU level. The implementation is to be done against the background of three major factors which may have an important bearing on the policies: the probable long-term requirement of substantial reductions in greenhouse gas emissions a changing structure of energy markets, following liberalisation of the gas and electricity markets EU enlargement to include economies in transition with the potential for further substantial reductions in emissions.The paper concludes with a discussion of ancillary benefits of the policies that may be substantial and a summary of the position as regards the "unfinished business" of the Protocol to be discussed at the Conference of the Parties in the Hague in November 2000.     

Norwegian Climate Policy: From Pusher to Laggard?

Initially Norwegian climate policy was very ambitious and Norway stood forth as a pusher on the international scene. Over time Norwegian policy has become more sober, stressing the need for differentiated commitments and flexible implementation. In contrast to the initial enthusiastic phase, climate change policy has been increasingly seen in pragmatic economic terms. Still, Norway is no laggard, as it has shown more willingness to pay for abatement measures than many other countries.     

Convergence Criteria for Participation in the Flexible Mechanisms of the Kyoto Protocol

We suggest a multi-layered system of three convergence criteria – similar to those used in the run-up to the European monetary union – that define the notion of "demonstrable progress" towards reaching the emission commitments under the Kyoto Protocol. These are the existence of an independently evaluated national emissions inventory, the level of domestic policies and measures, and the quantitative convergence of emissions towards the Kyoto target. While the first of these criteria constitutes a necessary condition for use of the Kyoto Mechanisms, the other two should determine the degree of participation allowed for any given Annex I country.     

The Evolving Structure of the Environmental Justice Movement in the United States: New Models for Democratic Decision-Making

Over the last two decades in the United States, mainstream environmental organizations have reduced, rather than increased, democratic participation by citizens in environmental problem-solving. The environmental justice movement, on the other hand, has served to enlarge the constituency of the environmental movement by incorporating poorer communities and oppressed people of color into environmental decision making process; build community capacity by developing campaigns and projects that address the common links between various social and environmental problems; and facilitate community empowerment by emphasizing grassroots organizing over advocacy. This paper outlines the different components in the environmental justice movement. It is our contention that if researchers and policymakers continue to conceive of the ecological crisis as a collection of unrelated problems, then it is possible that some combination of regulations, incentives, and technical innovations can keep pollution and resource destruction at tolerable levels for more affluent socioeconomic populations. However, poor working class communities and people of color which lack the political–economic resources to defend themselves will continue to suffer the worst abuses. However, if the interdependency of issues is emphasized as advocated by the environmental justice movement, then a transformative environmental politics can be invented.     

三代中央领导集体对台政策纵论

中国共产党三代中央领导集体的对台政策是解决台湾问题,完成祖国统一大业的理论指南。从２０世纪５０年代中期“和平解放台湾”政策的制定,到８０年代以来“和平统一、一国两制”方针的形成,再到９０年代中期八项对台主张的提出,体现了三代中央领导集体以国家和民族利益为重的宽阔胸襟,是中国共产党人在祖国统一问题上顺应历史和时代潮流的明智选择,其中蕴含了三代中央领导集体高度的政治智慧。