The territorial genealogies of Russia's political parties and the transferability of political machines

This article uses statistical analysis of aggregate electoral returns in order to establish continuities in the territorial patterns of support between four major political parties of contemporary Russia, on the one hand, and those parties that contested national legislative (Duma) elections from 1993 through 2007, on the other hand. It is hypothesized that such continuities, dubbed “territorial genealogies,” are largely rooted in the migration of region-based gubernatorial political machines from one national party to another, which constitutes a major flow of organizational continuity in the development of political parties. Statistical analysis confirms that the main hubs of machine politics in Russia's regions, originating from the intra-elite struggles of the 1990s, provide United Russia with the territorial core of its current support. Other political parties retain electoral salience in those regions where their electoral appeal is not mitigated by the presence of political machines, which underscores the importance of non-machine party organization for their electoral destinies.     

国际法院解释领土条约的路径、方法及其拓展

领土主权属于一国的根本问题。由于部分领土条约相关条款过于原则或模糊不清,当事方会产生条约解释上的国际争端。通常,国际法院依据《维也纳条约法公约》第31、32条规定的解释规则进行阐释。但是,领土条约具有与一般条约不同的特性,这一特性也决定了其解释方法的特殊性。条约解释与争议领土主权的归属存在密切关系,不当解释会严重损害当事国的领土主权。正是出于此顾虑,国际法院过于严格遵照条约文本语言表述的精确性,但在司法实践中又出现一定的矛盾与反复,甚至在个案中弱化条约解释的价值,转而以有效统治作为判案的法理依据。国际法院的做法动摇了国际社会相关当事方将领土争端提交国际法院,采取法律方式解决纠纷的信心,值得关注和深入研究。     

Sub-state Climate Pioneers: The Case of Scotland

Climate change poses a global challenge, but many of the most ambitious and innovative efforts to confront it have emerged from the sub-state level. While such action has received significant attention in North America, less attention has been paid to European sub-state nations and regions, even though several of these regions are at the forefront of policy efforts to reduce carbon emissions and promote renewable energy. This article begins to fill that knowledge gap. It explores the puzzle as to why, and how, given their more limited scope for policy action, some sub-state governments position themselves as ‘climate pioneers’. The article undertakes a heuristic case study of Scotland, which has developed a particularly ambitious climate change and renewable energy programme. Drawing on public policy literature, we use the case study to consider the extent to which such ambition is enabled by constitutional and fiscal capacity, facilitated by a cohesive policy network, and motivated by economic and political goals. While we find evidence of these enabling features in the Scottish case, we argue that understanding sub-state climate action also necessitates examining such action through the lens of territorial politics. Adopting a territorial perspective highlights the opportunities, constraints and motivations associated with the politics of territorial identity and multi-level government.     

Measuring the civic duty to vote: A proposal

Civic duty is a central concept in the study of turnout, yet little attention has been paid to how it should be measured. After a careful review of previous measures we constructed an original battery of 13 questions that were administered in a survey conducted in seven countries at the time of the 2014 European election. We show that the battery indeed taps the duty construct. We then propose a reduced battery of four questions. We show that the four questions achieve good fit measures and pass several tests of robustness and validity across the seven countries. We invite researchers to implement this battery in future research.     

社会法治的一个维度：警察权与公民权的平衡

文章分别对警察权和公民权加以诠释。分析了警察权与公民权既统一又冲突的关系,从警察权源自公民权、保障公民权、服从公民权需要、接受公民权监督等,归纳了二者统一的实质;从公共利益与个人利益、秩序价值与自由价值、自由裁量与权益评判、执法权威与消极对抗等矛盾,归纳了二者冲突的表征。论述了探求并实践警察权与公民权平衡的对策,包括树立执法为民思想和人权保障理念、提高法律意识和完善法律规制、以程序公正原则提升警察权的正当性和公信力、切实维护警察执法权威和执法权益等。     

Occupancy rights: dynamic as well as located

ABSTRACT

Anna Stilz’s Territorial Sovereignty (2019) aims to be a revisionist account of territorial rights that puts the value of individual autonomy first, without giving up the value of collective self-determination. In what follows I examine Stilz’s definition of occupancy rights and her emphasis on the moral relevance of what she calls ‘located’ life plans. I suggest that, if it aims at being truly revisionist, her theory should work with a broader definition of occupancy. So long as it doesn’t, these rights will be mainly the preserve of groups of settlers and peoples with predictable patterns of movement. Moreover, insofar as occupancy rights ground collective rights to self-determination, they actually have the potential to trump individual rights to what I call ‘dynamic’ or non-located occupancy. This is worrying, I claim, for at least two reasons. First, rights to dynamic occupancy are arguably as central for respecting individual autonomy as rights to located occupancy. And second, rights to dynamic ocupancy should be seen as key in helping to form the kind of political allegiances required to overcome the most pressing collective action problems that humanity faces.     

Comparing Conditions for Quality Peace: Contemporary East Asia v. Post-War Western Europe *

: This article deals with two of the strongest conclusions from general studies on the causes as well as absence of interstate war: the importance of territorial disputes and the significance of regime type. The first is termed the “territorial peace” hypothesis; the second is known in the literature as the “democratic peace” proposition. This article discusses if these two issues have to be settled prior to the building of quality peace between states that have a history of war among them. These findings are used to analyze the actual Western European experience since World War II and then relating this to the East Asian situation today. In this way this article also points to important differences. Still, the territorial issues take on particular role if the East Asian region is to move towards more durable and positive conditions, what might constitute ingredients of quality peace. At that moment, also Real politik concerns enter the equation.     

"追寻美德"何以可能

在当代“,追寻美德”的最大意义在于从道德合理性的论证中实现道德主体的自我拯救,并以此通过现实性的需要、选择和目标三个维度来展示“一场现代性的反思”“、一种有效性的设定”和“一种理想性的悬置”,从而最终思考当下伦理道德困境的根源。     

Governance and Tools for the Post-Industrial Re-Conversion of the North-West European Mining Area： From a Contemporary Vulnerability to a Territorial Resilience

Many European countries （including Germany, Belgium, France, and England） were faced with industrial decline, creating a new issue in the territories： Brownfields sites inside or on the periphery of industrial cities. The post-industrial contemporary vulnerability involves prospective and strategic planning choices in terms of rehabilitation, requalification, or in terms of destruction of the existing heritage. The research targets North-West European mining area brownfields requalification via the paradigm of territorial resilience with a view to a socio-economic revitalisation. What can be the vectors of a sustainable territorial recovery and what are the resilience indicators of those traditional industrial regions of Europe？ By such research, the imperative commitment of political players and citizens to carry out a long-term proactive resilience of a space system to a major industrial heritage is demonstrated. Even if governance is not the only factor of territorial resilience, it remains a major sign in its vulnerable territories.     

The second edition of the EPAC expert survey on ethnonationalism in party competition – testing for validity and reliability

This research note presents EPAC 2017, a dataset resulting from the second round of an expert survey on ethnonationalism in party competition. EPAC provides cross-sectional data on the positions of (ethno-) national and mainstream parties on an ethnonational (also often referred to as ‘territorial’ or ‘centre-periphery’) dimension, as well as other important dimensions of political competition. The 2017 edition covers 222 political parties in 22 multinational European countries. The research note presents the main survey items and performs a series of validity and reliability tests on the data. Results show that EPAC 2017 provides valid and reliable measures of party positions on an ethnonational dimension. A short analysis of party system changes in Spain and Bosnia and Herzegovina illustrates the opportunities of combining the 2011 and 2017 editions. The combined dataset allows studying the mobilization of the centre-periphery cleavage in party competition across Eastern and Western Europe and over time.