论我国刑事管辖权规定的完善

与《联合国反腐败公约》相比，我国刑法关于腐败犯罪的刑事管辖问题的规定还有一定的不足，尤其是在属人管辖和保护管辖方面及关于外国人的刑事责任追究方面，而关于外国人的刑事责任追究问题，也有必要深入分析和探讨。另外，我国刑法与《联合国反腐败公约》的相关规定不同，极有可能造成刑事管辖权的冲突，而这不利于对腐败犯罪刑事责任的追究，我国刑法也应该对此有所改进，如规定解决刑事管辖权冲突的委托条款等。     

立法后评估标准的概念、维度及影响因素分析

立法后评估标准对评估结论具有决定性影响。立法后评估标准是评估主体对正在实施的法律规范进行质量和影响状况评价所依据的准则或尺度。立法后评估标准涉及多种视角与维度，是应然与实然、形式与实质的统一。对立法后评估标准的设定具有主要影响的因素是评估主体和评估对象。     

刑事案件管辖及审判期限的完善

刑事诉讼法和衍生的相关诉讼法规在某些地方规定的比较概括,执行过程中容易产生多种理解和处理办法,继而产生执法的随意性和不规范。有的法条明确规定但实践操作时发现不合理,执行起来比较困难。有的法条超越了刑事诉讼法且有抵触之嫌。理顺和调整刑诉法和一些法条,对于更好、更及时有效运用刑法打击犯罪,保证公共利益和公民合法权益很有必要。     

南海问题与中美新型双边军事关系的构建

南海领土争端非常复杂,与海上优势和领土主张有关的新利益和竞争背后存在战略动机。虽然20世纪90年代后期和过去十年间南海保持着相对和平,但是复现的争议及潜在的冲突升级除了凸显各声索国之间的角力外,更反映了南海问题正在由资源领土之争上升演变为中美两国的地缘战略博弈。中美两国在南海地区的互动,特别是两军愈发频繁的海空相遇以及由此引发的冲突或事故,因此中美两国发展新型双边军事关系是非常必要的。中美两国在南海附近的相遇存在冲突升级的可能性,同时,美国的亚太同盟的存在一定程度上阻碍了中美的双边军事交流。缺乏有效的沟通机制造成了中美双边军事关系的低互动性以及两国战略互信的缺失。考虑到南海作为至关重要的海上交通线,其潜在的海洋资源以及未解决的领土争端,中美两国应该如何更好地理解和解决不断出现的安全挑战并且建立管理危机的机制,这对亚太地区的重要国家(包括美国和中国)都有重大的政策启示。     

Coup,riot, war: How political institutions and ethnic politics shape alternative forms of political violence

This article explores how different types of governance systems shape different forms of political violence. We identify four governance types by combining the “institutional” dimension of coalition size represented by a minimum winning coalition (MWC) and the “ethno-political” dimension represented by the size of ethnic groups participating in the governing coalition. This study hypothesizes that (a) an exclusive system (small MWC; narrow-based ethnic coalition) is likely to engender civil war, (b) an oversized system (small MWC; broad-based ethnic coalition) is likely to generate a coup, and (c) an undersized system (large MWC; narrow-based ethnic coalition) is likely to stimulate riots or protests. Statistical analyses confirm all three hypotheses, implying that opposition groups choose alternative forms of conflict that maximize their chances of accessing power under different governance configurations. The article concludes by identifying three possible paths toward inclusive governance and suggesting that institutional reform before ethnic inclusion makes a transition toward inclusive governance far less dangerous.     

Discursive Construction of territorial disputes: foreign newspaper reporting on the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands dispute

Most studies of the news discourse surrounding territorial disputes focus on the domestic newspapers of the conflicting countries from the perspective of “us” and “them”. This study examines how the newspapers of foreign countries discursively construct a territorial dispute within the framework of an intergroup conflict schema. A qualitative and quantitative analysis of articles on the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands dispute published online in five newspapers of record (the New York Times, the Guardian, the Sydney Morning Herald, Le Monde, and the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung) reveals two main points: First, the articles published by these newspapers share a similar intergroup conflict schema that is based on competition and the pursuit of national interests as interpreted in conformance with the national interests of the respective countries (USA, UK, Australia, France, and Germany). Second, in terms of how news discourse is framed, there are noticeable differences between the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung and the other four which may reflect the influence of Germany’s socio-historical context on domestic public opinion.     

It’s no longer the economy,stupid! Issue yield at the 2017 German federal election

Abstract

This article demonstrates that the issue-yield concept is able to predict the electoral strategies of mainstream and challenger parties at the 2017 German federal election. While the electorate of mainstream parties favour valence issues, the Greens and the AfD can gain more by concentrating on socio-cultural positional issues. Relying on a unique survey covering 17 positional issues and 10 valence issues as well as an analysis of Twitter accounts, the article shows that contemporary Germany is characterised by a centrifugal competition on the socio-cultural dimension. At the same time, an asymmetric ideological confrontation persists on the socio-economic dimension, because the Left and the SPD still refer to their traditional welfare issues while the bourgeois parties no longer counter this with a contrasting free-market ideology. Thus, the economy is currently not the decisive issue in German politics. Migration, integration, and other socio-cultural issues are rather driving electoral competition.     

Introduction to the special section: minority politics and the territoriality principle in Europe

Territorial arrangements for managing inter-ethnic relations within states are far from consensual. Although self-governance for minorities is commonly advocated, international documents are ambiguously formulated. Conflicting pairs of principles, territoriality vs. personality, and self-determination vs. territorial integrity, along with diverging state interests account for this gap. Together, the articles in this special section address the territoriality principle and its hardly operative practice on the ground, with particular attention to European cases. An additional theme reveals itself in the articles: the ambiguity of minority recognition politics. This introductory article briefly presents these two common themes, followed by an outline of three recent proposals discussed especially in Eastern Europe that seek to bypass the controversial territorial autonomy model: cultural rights in municipalities with a “substantial” proportion of minority members; the cultural autonomy model; and European regionalism and multi-level governance.     

关于中国特色社会主义妇女理论维度与构建的思考

中国特色社会主义妇女理论是关于中国社会主义时期特别是改革开放以来妇女运动的学说,是对现阶段男女平等与妇女发展的规律性的认识.该理论是中国特色社会主义理论体系的有机组成部分,其思想指导是马克思主义及其妇女解放的学说,实践基础是当前中国的基本国情与妇女发展的基本状况.界定中国特色社会主义妇女理论体系的维度,加强其理论构建,还要注意吸收借鉴国际妇女运动的先进经验与成果,坚持"百家争鸣、百花齐放"的双百方针,以及理论构建与宣传倡导并举的原则.     

在对话中提升：“中国模式”的出场学路径

“华盛顿共识”理论范式不能解释中国的成功经验，“中国模式”提法便应运而生。“中国模式”自有中国逻辑，把“中国模式”放在马克思主义中国化的大背景中加以审视，“中国模式”有可能成为马克思主义中国化的一个新的理论增长点。“中国模式”还在路上，所以在实践中，我们要“不动摇、不懈怠、不折腾”，坚持走中国特色社会主义道路；但这并不妨碍在理论中提升“中国模式”。