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101.
黄岩岛事件因菲律宾挑战中国对该岛的固有领土主权而起,其主权归属也是菲方试图与中方争辩的焦点。双方在事件发生后重申了各自的主张,提出了本国的法律和事实依据。根据相关国际法和事实,中国不仅拥有黄岩岛的原始主权,该权利还经中国明确表达行使主权的意图与持续、和平、有效地行使主权转化为完整的领土主权,且有效存续至今。菲方无权依据有效控制对抗中国对该岛的既有合法主权,亦无法通过时效等其他任何方式取得该岛的主权。 相似文献
102.
Guya Accornero 《Democratization》2013,20(6):1036-1055
This article focuses on student opposition to the Portuguese Estado Novo regime, examining the links between the dynamics of mobilization and radicalization and the emergence of new political actors before the fall of the Salazar dictatorship on the one hand, and the revolutionary process which characterized the Portuguese transition on the other. The 25 April 1974 military coup d'état that overthrew the Estado Novo triggered what later came to be known as the ‘third wave’ of democratization; but the Portuguese transition was characterized by elements of rupture that were much more significant than those observed in the subsequent democratization processes of Spain and Greece. This rupture was a result of the form of regime change – a military coup d'état – and was sustained with the mass social mobilization that followed. While key studies have stressed that the political crisis after the fall of regime was the fundamental cause of this exceptional mobilization, the argument advanced in this article is that the pre-revolutionary cycle of protest also explains the particular characteristics of the Portuguese transition. 相似文献
103.
This article explores how social media acted as a catalyst for protest mobilization during the Tunisian revolution in late 2010 and early 2011. Using evidence from protests we argue that social media acted as an important resource for popular mobilization against the Ben Ali regime. Drawing on insights from “resource mobilization theory”, we show that social media (1) allowed a “digital elite” to break the national media blackout through brokering information for mainstream media; (2) provided a basis for intergroup collaboration for a large “cycle of protest”; (3) reported event magnitudes that raised the perception of success for potential free riders, and (4) provided additional “emotional mobilization” through depicting the worst atrocities associated with the regime's response to the protests. These findings are based on background talks with Tunisian bloggers and digital activists and a revealed preference survey conducted among a sample of Tunisian internet users (February–May 2012). 相似文献
104.
Michelle Kuenzi 《Democratization》2013,20(1):134-156
Ethnicity has emerged as a prominent issue in electoral contests around the world, particularly in countries that have embraced multiparty elections in the past few decades. What factors influence ethnic mobilization and the politicization of ethnicity? Although a number of factors have been hypothesized to influence the politicization of ethnicity in the comparative politics literature, many of these relationships have not been established through empirical testing. This study empirically tests a number of the hypotheses derived from the literature with our unique data set on candidates' ethnic appeals in the Nigerian 2007 gubernatorial elections. We find that political parties' use of ethnic appeals is correlated with the competitiveness of the election, nature of the campaign, partisan attachments, and social, demographic, and economic characteristics of the states. Of particular note is the finding that the salience of ethnic identity in the electorate influences political leaders' use of ethnic appeals. 相似文献
105.
马宝成 《广东行政学院学报》2000,(6)
政治领导是一个动态的过程 ,主要包括局势判断、政策制定、功效评估等几个主要环节。局势判断是指对有关政治形势和环境进行信息传输和处理 ;政策制定一般表现为确定目标、设计备选方案、评估方案、选择方案、决策实施、决策执行情况反馈等程序 ;政治领导功效评估是对政治领导的绩效进行衡量。在以上三个主要环节的具体运作过程中 ,都伴随着一个政治动员的过程。 相似文献
106.
Raymond Hinnebusch 《Democratization》2015,22(2):205-217
This introduction sets the context for the following articles by first conceptualizing the divergent post-uprising trajectories taken by varying states: these are distinguished first by whether state capacity collapses or persists, and if it persists, whether the outcome is a hybrid regime or polyarchy. It then assesses how far starting points – the features of the regime and of the uprising – explain these pathways. Specifically, the varying levels of anti-regime mobilization, explained by factors such as levels of grievances, patterns of cleavages, and opportunity structure, determine whether rulers are quickly removed or stalemate sets in. Additionally, the ability of regime and opposition softliners to reach a transition pact greatly shapes democratic prospects. But, also important is the capacity – coercive and co-optative – of the authoritarian rulers to resist, itself a function of factors such as the balance between the patrimonial and bureaucratic features of neo-patrimonial regimes. 相似文献
107.
杨斌 《江苏警官学院学报》2002,16(2):152-157
网络侵权案件确定地域管辖的关键是遵循网络数字传输规则,找到网络与具体地域之间的实质性关联。网络侵权案件地域管辖的基础应当包括侵权行为地、原告住所地,其中以侵权行为地为主。服务器所在地应当仅指ICP服务器(主机硬盘)所在地,可作为确定侵权行为地的重要参考因素。 相似文献
108.
王威 《广西政法管理干部学院学报》2004,19(4):61-62,99
这篇文章从涉外民事管辖权冲突、法律适用原则、发展趋势等方面进行了阐述 ,重点探讨了国家主权在涉外民事管辖权中的体现 ,并结合法律关系的各个方面论述法律适用原则及发展趋势。进而 ,文章对我国在这方面的立法提出自己的见解 相似文献
109.
王连花 《中国井冈山干部学院学报》2014,(3):44-50
中国共产党及其领导的红军,为了满足严酷的革命战争需要,在中央苏区时期进行了大量的人力、财力和物力方面的动员,给群众的生产生活带来了较大压力。为了减少群众的压力和损失,苏区党和政府十分重视动员补偿问题,在经济、政策、税收等方面对革命动员进行了力所能及的补偿。 相似文献
110.
Davide Vampa 《Regional & Federal Studies》2014,24(4):473-491
This article demonstrates that the political mobilization of regional identities through the creation of regionalist parties has positively impacted on the development of region-specific models of welfare governance in Italy. This means that, in a decentralized country, the ‘centre-periphery’ cleavage may significantly influence the sub-state politics of welfare. 相似文献