马克思主义哲学在当代

必须克服以斯大林教科书为范本的“辩证唯物主义和历史唯物主义”体系及其模式的缺陷．重新焕发起马克思主义哲学的生机，使之继续走在人类文明的前列。必须因应中国马克思主义哲学理论和实践发展的要求．探索建立马克思主义哲学当代中国化的形态，走向马克思主义哲学发展的新高度。     

增强理论自觉自信创新 实现中华民族伟大复兴

丰富和发展中国特色社会主义理论,必须增强中国特色社会主义的理论自觉、理论自信和理论创新。增强中国特色社会主义理论自觉是实现中华民族伟大复兴的必然要求,增强中国特色社会主义理论自信是实现中华民族伟大复兴的逻辑前提,增强中国特色社会主义理论创新是实现中华民族伟大复兴的根本要求。     

习近平基层党建思想的理论特征

习近平的基层党建思想,丰富了马克思主义建党学说,为新形势下做好党的基层工作提供了新的理论指导。其具有以下明显的理论特征:以满足人民需要为目的,促进全面发展的执政理念;以改革创新为动力,不断开创基层党建工作新局面的时代精神;以先进力量为表率,身体力行躬身示范的责任担当;以党章为根本标准,从严要求党员的坚定信心;以实事求是为思想指导,坚持求真务实的思维方法。     

Peaceful development of cross-strait relations,"one country two systems"Horizon

" one country, peaceful reunification" policy put forward, which has existed for more than 30 set. People have proposed the development of cross-strait peace framework. It is necessary for the developm...     

刑法基本原则的困惑与解读

刑法基本原则属于法律规范范畴,它仅是指导和制约刑事司法工作的原则,而不是指导和制约刑法立法工作的原则.罪刑法定主义等刑法基本主义属于理论范畴,刑法基本主义才是指导刑法立法工作的理论规则.刑法基本原则并非都应不折不扣地绝对执行,而存在着例外规定."贯穿于全部刑法"不应作为刑法基本原则的确立标准之一.建议在立法上完善刑法基本原则体系,增加刑法基本原则的例外规定.     

60年党的建设新的伟大工程的历史沿革及理论创新

新中国成立60年,党的建设伟大工程也走过60个春秋。在此期间,党的建设新的伟大工程的提出、实施经过了两个时期、四个阶段,即党的建设伟大工程和党的建设新的伟大工程两个时期;四个阶段是：党的建设伟大工程的提出,党的建设新的伟大工程的酝酿、确立和创新发展阶段。党的十七大站在新的历史起点上,第一次提出了以改革创新精神全面推进党的建设新的伟大工程的新思想,不仅指明了党的建设的政治方向,而且为新的伟大工程的实施提供了前进动力。     

关于新建公安本科院校教学质量的思考

新建公安本科院校面临着迅速提高教学质量的重大课题。面对这一任务,新建公安本科院校,一要重视转变教育思想观念,树立科学的教育质量观;二要处理好“成人”与“成才”,理论教学与实践教学两对关系;三要抓好教学管理规范化建设、教学内容与方法改革、师资队伍建设。     

Conceptualising a Framework for Effective Performance Measurement in Cultural Precinct Development and Operation

The purpose of this paper is to firstly identify and synthesise critical measurement themes in extant academic literature concerning performance measurement in cultural precincts. Secondly, the paper posits for consideration a holistic and systematic framework (which embraces those themes) for developing appropriate performance measures for cultural precincts. The outcomes in this paper (a) confirm and clarify the complexity of performance measurement needed, (b) furnish a framework for practitioners embarking on the development of such measures, and (c) indicate the conceptual and pragmatic challenges faced in developing and enacting appropriate and meaningful measures for cultural precincts. Consequently, this paper serves as a conceptual positioning paper and a practical embarkation point for practitioners willing to engage with and pursue this phenomenon. Thereby, it endorses more dialogue on and further research and analysis of performance measurement in government operated cultural precincts.     

Post-hegemonic regionalism in Oceania: examining the development potential of the new framework for Pacific regionalism

This article explores the early potential of the Framework for Pacific regionalism, a new political process that Pacific nations are using to establish regional development priorities. The emergence of this process is positioned within a context of a desire for a new era of Pacific-led regional development collaboration. The early outcomes of the Framework are outlined and examined. Specifically, the article questions whether it is meeting aspirations for ‘game-changing’ development goals that enjoy greater levels of ‘ownership’ amongst Pacific leaders. It also explores whether the new process canbe seen as evidence of a new era of ‘post-hegemonic’ regionalism in Oceania, characterised by a revitalisation of regional political debate; a rejection of ‘economism’; and the reassertion of indigenous and civil society concerns.     

Why Do Peace Negotiations Succeed or Fail? Legal Commitment,Transparency, and Inclusion during Peace Negotiations in Colombia (2012–2016) and Turkey (2012–2015)

This article examines the ways in which the negotiation framework—i.e., the legal guarantees, information management mechanism, and degree of inclusivity in peace negotiations—shapes the likelihood of concluding a peace agreement. Codifying the peace negotiations in law, publicizing information about the content of negotiations, and including mediators and civil society actors in peace talks is likely to increase a government's short‐term costs. However, doing so alleviates the adversaries' information asymmetry and commitment problems, sets guidelines to insure the process against exogenous shocks, and increases the number of actors taking part in conflict management. Comparing the recent peace negotiations to end intrastate wars in Colombia and Turkey, this article argues that a legalized, public, and inclusive framework made a peace agreement possible in Colombia, while the lack of such a framework caused Turkey's peace talks to fail.