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41.
陈延武 《河北省社会主义学院学报》2003,(1):24-28
“三个代表”重要思想是我们党的指导思想 ,也是我们做好统战工作的行动指南。统一战线要实践“三个代表”要求 ,就必须始终不渝地坚持党对统一战线的领导 ,始终不渝地坚持为党和国家的中心任务服务 ,始终不渝地坚持为人民服务的价值取向 ,始终不渝地坚持与时俱进 ,开拓创新。 相似文献
42.
破坏生产经营罪本身的构成要件含糊不明,加之为顺应我国经济体制的变化,使法律适应客观形式的发展,1997年刑法将破坏集体生产罪修改为破坏生产经营罪,并对之进行体系结构归属调整。但也为此使刑法学者对破坏生产经营罪产生诸多争议。如此罪侵犯的客体是单一客体,还是复杂客体。特别是此罪容易与其他相关犯罪混淆,给司法实践带来不便。通过重新界定生产经营的内涵、犯罪的目的等,对其进行合理的限制解释,并将其与一些极易混淆的犯罪加以比较,进一步明确此罪。 相似文献
43.
关于建立一警双机三管控的调查与思考 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
保定市警察学会 《河北公安警察职业学院学报》2005,5(3):43-47
推行一警双机三管控机制,主要是通过以社区(责任区)民警为轴心,以社区(责任区)为单位投入户协员、保安员、巡防队员管控辅警力量,可以使松散的群防群治队伍变成具有内在紧密联系的整体,从而构成完整的社区(责任区)治安防范网络。 相似文献
44.
褚国建 《浙江省政法管理干部学院学报》2020,34(6):86-94
从“推进党的制度建设科学化”到“加快党内法规制度体系建设”,体现了我国政党治理法治化的发展趋势。法律的政治化与政治的法治化是近代以来世界民主法治建设的基本发展特点,党内法规制度建设应当以法治与政治的统一性原理建构其理论基础。要以政治性引领党内法规制度体系建设,确保其规范内容上体现先进性、规范目的上聚焦领导力、规范渊源上关照实践面。同时,更要以法治性补强以往党的制度建设的短板,运用法治思维和法治方式加快党内法规制度体系建设,增强其概念的可通用性、体系的可衔接性、执行的可协同性。 相似文献
45.
Under what conditions do citizens favor deciding political issues by popular vote? Models of support for popular vote processes usually consider the influence of individual attitudes such as political trust and interest in politics. But much less is known about the effect of institutional variables on support for popular vote processes. This article builds on research showing that disaffection with elected officials shapes support for referendums by considering the influence of the party system. First, an analysis of multilevel data from twenty-four European democracies indicates that individuals are more supportive of referendums in countries with fewer effective political parties. Second, a mediation analysis provides evidence that the number of parties influences referendum support through individual-level political trust and external efficacy. Where there are fewer viable parties, feelings that elected officials are unresponsive tend to increase popular support for referendums. These findings suggest a trade-off between available representation by political parties and support for direct influence over public policy. 相似文献
46.
Nobuharu Yokokawa 《当代亚洲杂志》2020,50(2):194-227
ABSTRACTAfter the global financial crisis of 2007–2008, we are facing the beginning of the end of the post-war capitalist world system. The 1920s was in the middle of the social, political and economic interregnum, a period of discontinuity in the social order, accompanied by widespread unrest, wars and power vacuums. In this article, that framework of the long and super long waves in the capitalist world systems is used to examine the recent interregnum that marks the re-emergence of Asia. Within the framework of the long and super long waves a new “flying geese” theory is built by incorporating the theory of dynamic industries with Akamatsu’s theory. In the 1980s, Japanese integral production architecture improved quality and productivity in the automobile and electrical machinery industries. In the 1990s, the USA’s open modular production architecture enabled China’s compressed industrialisation, and the China-centric Asian production network replaced the Japan-led Pacific Rim triangular trade regime. In the 2000s, the knowledge-and technology-intensive (KTI) industries have established themselves as the new dynamic industries. The USA is the leading country to develop KTI industries. China is catching up quickly and has leapfrogged Japan in KTI industries. In conclusion, it is argued that these changes mark an approaching second interregnum. 相似文献
47.
Grigorii V. Golosov 《Central Asian Survey》2020,39(3):285-302
ABSTRACT This article overviews and seeks to explain the processes of party system formation in the post-Soviet Central Asian states (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan) by focusing on a crucial party-system property, fragmentation. The analysis reveals that to a much greater extent than in democracies, where party systems are largely shaped by societal factors, the level of party system fragmentation in autocracies is determined by the scope of presidential powers, as entrenched in the formal institutional order and reflected in the national constitution. The level of authoritarianism is largely inconsequential for party system fragmentation, while the role of electoral rules is secondary. Institutionally weak and institutionally strong autocratic presidents have a preference for fragmented party systems, while presidents with an intermediate range of powers seek and obtain low levels of party system fragmentation. 相似文献
48.
"三个代表"理论不但丰富和发展了马克思主义党建理论,而且对执政党领导理论也进行了创新."三个代表"思想升华了领导就是服务这一领导本质理论;丰富了党的领导职能的科学内涵;为党的领导工作提出了一个新的价值目标;是党的领导工作的一个新的评价标准. 相似文献
49.
50.
The degree of predominance of the largest party in a representative assembly affects government formation and survival. The seat share of the largest party, in turn, is constrained by the interaction of assembly size and electoral district magnitude in the following way. When all S seats in an assembly are allocated in districts of magnitude M, a logical quantitative model proposes that the largest fractional share is s1 = (MS)−1/8. As a curve, the model is found to fit with R2 = 0.509, considering data from the averages of 46 periods in 37 countries, during which the electoral rules were essentially steady. As a worldwide average, the expression s1(MS)1/8 = 1 holds within 1%. Deviations from this average express the impact of various country-specific political and socio-cultural factors that can be investigated once the basic institutional constraints are controlled-for. This means that the degree of largest party predominance may be engineered to hover around a desired average by adjusting assembly size, and district magnitude, while keeping country-specific factors in mind. 相似文献