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131.
李金早 《安徽警官职业学院学报》2012,11(5):98-100,116
民主不是权利,而是内在于民众的权力;所以,民主是民众群体的存在方式和民众个体的生活样式。近代以来的历史经验表明。民主的发展层次与国家经济的发展状况呈现正向的关系,同时,民主更是确保国家经济可持续发展的制度保障。 相似文献
132.
邹瑞琼 《北京市工会干部学院学报》2012,(2):27-30
集体合同制度施行以来,虽在全国范围内得到广泛的发展并日趋完善,但同时也存在一些问题,其中最突出的是形式主义、走过场的现象,个中原因是多方面的,但主要原因在于集体协商一方主体-----职工主体缺位。 相似文献
133.
Power shifts and especially power transitions in the international system are
often associated with (military) confl ict. Power Transition Theory (PTT) does offer an
analysis of this phenomenon but no remedy. We suggest easing the tensions related to
ongoing worldwide power shifts by introducing a new informal multilateral security
governance institution, based on the idea of a concert of powers. The historical European
Concert of the 19th century prevented the outbreak of great power wars for more than a
generation by providing a cooperation framework, based on shared norms and common
procedures. In this article we explore the possibility of utilizing a modernized concert
of powers as a framework for managing the coming power shifts. In order to do so, we
introduce two new elements in Power Transition Theory: (1) the importance of the (dis)
satisfaction of the declining hegemon with the anticipated future order, and (2) a broader
multilateral framework of major powers that overcomes the Power Transition Theory’s
traditional bilateral “duel” situation. On this basis, institutionalized power transition
management becomes possible. We then work out the norms, strengths and weaknesses
of the historical concert and update it with a few new features that would be necessary
for it to be successful in the 21st century. 相似文献
134.
我国非物质文化遗产体系中的民间文学艺术保护工作正在全面展开,知识产权是否能够适用于民间文学艺术的保护仍存有争议.探析民间文艺著作权保护的缘由是厘清选择何种保护模式必要的举措.社会正义是民间文学艺术知识产权保护的价值取向.采用分类保护方式是民间文学艺术保护的优先选择. 相似文献
135.
Extant research on rentierism claims that oil royalties and unconditional transfers are among the main factors sustaining subnational undemocratic regimes (SURs). This article claims that these revenues are insufficient to economically reproduce SUR, as subnational rentier states generally overspend beyond their means. Drawing on evidence from Argentina, we identify two pathways to SUR reproduction. First, rulers in resource-rich provinces rely on ‘hidden rents’ from local extractive industries to sustain long-term spending. Second, rulers in resource-poor provinces heavily subsidised by fiscal institutions resort to discretionary grants from presidents to reproduce their political regimes. 相似文献
136.
Sally Sargeson 《The Journal of peasant studies》2018,45(2):321-346
Do variations in land ownership affect people’s democratic participation? Quantitative, cross-country research on this topic suffers from the non-comparability of regulatory systems and cultures, and the use of crude indicators to identify participation. This study attempts to overcome these methodological problems, by employing indicators of procedural and substantive participation in a structured, diachronic comparison of qualitative data from five sites in China – an authoritarian state, which, however, requires residents of urban communities and villages to participate in ‘self-government’. It examines whether and why changing land from collective ownership to state ownership, and residents’ compensated acquisition of cash and secure, fungible assets, strengthens or weakens participation in self-government. In the research sites, collective land ownership is found to stimulate participation in self-government. Transformation of the land to state ownership and people’s acquisition of private property weakens participation. The robust results of the study support the direction of a causal argument that collective land ownership is conducive to democratic participation. These findings imply that scholars and policymakers should consider the potentially adverse political consequences of changing land ownership. A further implication is that, absent substantial political reform, an urbanized China might be less rather than more democratic at the community level. 相似文献
137.
Sandra Kröger 《Journal of Civil Society》2018,14(1):41-57
This article links the literature on the Europeanization of civil society organizations (CSOs) with the literature on the contribution CSOs can make to democracy in the EU. To do so, it asks which are the pull factors that support CSOs’ Europeanization: are they mostly strategic and linked to where law-making and the money are? Or are they likewise linked to a desire to contribute to EU democracy? To explore this question, the article looks at agricultural, environmental and anti-poverty groups and combines fresh qualitative with quantitative data. The findings suggest that we need to distinguish strategic Europeanization, on the one hand, from the identification with supranational democracy, on the other. They also show that the most Europeanized organizations need not be the most interested in EU democracy, whereas organizations with a comparatively low degree of Europeanization can still be interested in EU democracy. 相似文献
138.
Roger Kershaw 《亚洲事务》2018,49(1):82-102
The aim of the article is to explore and illustrate some “dynamics of transition” across some six decades of British protection of the Brunei Sultanate, 1906-1967, with particular reference to the interaction of traditional administration and the new system of governance of a Residency, especially in the part of Tutong district that was home to the Dusun/Bisaya ethnic minority. 相似文献
139.
基层民主政治建设是社会主义民主政治事业的一项基础性工程。在党的领导下扎实推进基层民主政治的建设,需要在提高认识基础上通过各种途径拓展基层民主政治的深度和广度,重视充分发挥党内民主对于基层民主的保障与促进作用,以改变执政方式为前提,确立以"共治"方式推进基层民主发展的新思路。 相似文献
140.
Chunyan Hu 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2017,40(3):240-255
Some scholars think that accountability is attainable only under the electoral political system. However, it is argued that China could achieve some weak accountability even without general election system. How could this be achieved in China? The paper attempts to analyze this question with the following steps: first, it describes the specific accountability system by categorizing different approaches based on four dimensions, then focuses on the impacts that these approaches would have, which are based on finance, fairness and efficiency. It is concluded that under a dominant political settlement, only weak accountability exists in China, not real or strong accountability. 相似文献