民族地区和谐社会构建中的政治沟通

民族地区特殊的区域环境、复杂的民族关系、多元的民族文化、普遍的宗教信仰、落后的社会经济等,决定了政治沟通对民族地区和谐社会的构建具有特殊的意义。要加强政治沟通主体建设和公民政治社会化教育,疏通和拓宽政治沟通渠道,保证信息的有效性,加强和改进政治沟通,推进民族地区和谐社会建设。     

简析民进党“大选”中的政治传播策略

2004年“大选”,民进党阵营针对当时的选民状况和媒介资源,精心构筑了“多层＋突发事件”的政治传播策略,以“多层”的传播一点点地收割选票,最后以“突发事件”完成致命一击,这当中民进党对人际传播的运用尤为出色。2008年“大选”,民进党仍沿用了该策略中的一些内容,然而国民党已经习得经验,有所防范,马英九也发展出“Long Stay”这种直销式人际传播来破解民进党的攻击,而民众对民进党过度使用负面选举术的反感加大,马萧最终赢得了“大选”。     

涉案电话通信信息与犯罪侦查

涉案电话通信信息既包括与犯罪嫌疑人本身所持有、使用的手机、程控电话、IC卡电话等通信工具有关的信息,也包括被犯罪分子盗、抢、骗手机的通信信息。它具有时限性、对象性、价值性、保密性等特性,可以通过现场勘验检查、调查访问、电信部门和其他途径获取。利用涉案通信信息开展侦查的方法多种多样,而且具有极大的灵活性,需要侦查主体充分发挥创造性思维加以运用。涉案通信信息在犯罪侦查中的运用已经日益显示其重要性,为了提高在犯罪侦查中利用涉案通信信息的效能,应在侦查人员中普及电信基本知识,建立通信信息查询系统,加强与电信部门的联系和协作配合,制定相关法律法规,细化和规范利用涉案通信信息的侦查行为。     

非法吸收公众存款罪公开性特征的具体认定

非法吸收公众存款罪的公开性是该罪认定上的难点,也是理论研究的薄弱环节,其中的相关问题应得到进一步明确。首先,公开性的本质是宣传对象的不特定性,即针对不特定多数的人进行宣传。其次,公开性与社会性存在交集和重叠,同时也各具独立价值。第三,在口头传播的性质认定上,应区分是否为集资人授意及集资人对集资信息的扩散持何种心态。第四,公开性不以虚假宣传为必要。     

Email Fraud: Language,Technology, and the Indexicals of Globalisation

This paper investigates a corpus of email messages known as “419 scams”: a form of financial fraud in which huge offers of money are being made to people provided they pass on bank details and other personal information to the perpetrators. This kind of message presents us with a typical instance of “globalized” communication: they are produced in the margins of the world (the term “419 scam” is Nigerian) and sent to other places; they are electronically mediated; and they are written in varieties of “world languages”, mostly English. In the messages, authors claim particular identities and relationships, and have to do so using specific, generically regimented forms of communication. Investigating such forms yields a complex view of what it takes to communicate in a globalized environment: at least three different forms of communicative competence seem to be blended. First, authors require technological competence, the capacity to control, explore and exploit the communicative opportunities offered by global email systems. Second, they require cultural competence: they need some awareness of genres and genre expectations among their addressees in order to stand a chance of success. And thirdly, they need linguistic competence: the capacity to actually produce linguistic messages that are congruent with the projected identities and relationships in the transaction. We see that whereas the first two forms of competence appear to be well developed, the third is often problematic, yielding rich indexical signals pointing towards fraud. The genre of email fraud thus yields insights into the changing nature of communication in the age of globalization.     

Democratic Norms and Means of Communication: Public Sphere,Fourth Estate,Freedom of Communication

Abstract

This article assesses some major democratic norms commonly invoked in relation to means of communication or ‘media’, especially in the context of ‘media policy’. The paper argues that freedom of communication provides the most appropriate normative discourse in which to re-articulate the case for the European policy practice of ‘regulated pluralism’ outside Europe. Recent developments in Australia provide a brief case-study of this thesis.     

Forming Political Culture and Marketing Strategies in a Central-European Setting

ABSTRACT

Having analyzed the different strategies used in the 1998 and 2002 parliamentary election campaigns with reference to the 1990 and 1994 campaigns, we can conclude that the Hungarian election conventions and culture are still in a state of experimentation and exploration. In contrast with American election traditions, in Hungary, not the individual (with the exception of the Alliance of Young Democrats), but the party image is what counts, though, in this respect, considerable changes could be observed during the last few years. The Hungarian political palette is much too fragmented, and this sets a barrier to the necessary desire for creating a suitable forum for the debate of the party leaders and for the declaration of party politics. At present, the party programme reaches the citizens just in implicit, hidden, often symbolic forms of messages.

While the symbols of the left-wing parties were sketchy, unskillful, too rational, and not giving much space for emotional influence, the right-wing parties gave too large of a dose of different symbols, which were emotional rather than rational. This lack of balance made the campaigns superficial, irrational, sometimes misleading, and abnormal. This feeling of abnormality was strengthened by the fact that the overdose on the part of the right wing was not limited to the campaign period, but the emotional shocking started much earlier. The state of excitement, which was spread in time, actually started in the spring of 1998, and even if there were fluctuations, the general mood of the last four years was characterised by the dug-out hatchet. The political opinion of the Orbán party was clearly expressed by their metaphors. The message of the sentences like 'it is more than change of government, less than change of regime,' 'attacking on the whole field,' 'we change the telephone directories,' etc., was unambiguous: combative four years are coming. During their campaign, 'setting up a record' was realized between the two rounds after the failure in the first round and was still going on showing the election failure, which came about in democratic circumstances (Galló Béla, 2002, 93).

One could hardly judge the effectiveness of agenda building, though some of the crucial social questions appeared as cue words and sentences in the mediated messages of parties (for example, family, health care, education, joining the European Union). Hungarian campaigning, compared to the American presidential election campaign, is colorless and rife with technical and rhetorical errors, and it is a competition without any coherence where the citizen is very often just a means of, but not the goal in, the struggle of the parties.     

Source Strategies and Media Audiences

ABSTRACT

This article argues for a particular approach to the relationship between the production and reception of mass media, using as a key the theory of targeting and its application in elements of the political marketing mix: media relations and news management. In particular, two case studies show that in this context very fine-tuned targeting is normal and that the details of conjuncture are crucial. The implications of this form of targeting for the understanding of media audiences are spelt out through a critique of certain approaches to the audience: audience measurement, agenda-setting and framing theory, ‘active audience’ theories, and targeting as practised in media buying and programming. On the basis of these case studies and critiques, it suggests that this category of targeted audiences has characteristics whose relevance to analysis of the production/reception relationship has gone unrecognised, and that to this extent the theory of this relationship needs to be re-cast.     

风险社会视野下大众传媒对警察公共关系危机的影响效应

警察具备高的执法素质是国家综合国力得以增强的前提和保证。公安机关要提升警察执法素质,必须以改革创新的理念开展针对性执法理念教育和实效性的执法培训,采取打造阳光执法体系、规范警察执法行为等措施,才能有效提升警察执法素质,确保执法机制长效运行。     

Knowledge production and the construction of ‘Africa(ns)’ in the Caribbean

Abstract

There is a considerable lack of awareness of the interrelated nature of human activities due to insufficient information. A community without relevant information or public sensitivity to participation, in fostering a sense of personal environmental responsibility and greater motivation towards achieving personal goals, becomes problematic. Using the poststructuralist theory, this article takes a qualitative approach to analyse discourses and people's reaction to an ‘insecure’ environment within South African communities. It examines organisations which provide support to empower communities through education in Cape Town. One assumption here is that people gain knowledge about themselves, their environment and others around them, if they are empowered. The focus thus is on educational schemes and activities that communities and organisations undertake to challenge, accept and negotiate their ideological positions. The inventiveness and responses of the organisations considered, through the local communities and pupils, are therefore significant as they enable an understanding of the challenges encountered in democratic South Africa, including the causes of xenophobia. Ultimately, the consequences of ignorance about one's environment are detrimental to both neighbouring communities and people at large. The local communities considered expressed this sentiment while implicating the government's role in depriving its people of vital socio-cultural and politico-economic information.