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121.
在我国,劳动法上的“雇主”以“用人单位”代替且缺乏相应的雇主资格理论。若仅援用民法“法人”理论,则难以解释劳动法上雇主资格问题。本文认为,雇主资格的认定关键在于其权利能力和行为能力。通过对雇主与民事主体资格的比较分析,从实体和程序两个方面构建了雇主资格的认定体系。同时,对非法用工主体这一非常态的“雇主”也进行了相应探讨。 相似文献
122.
Recent scholarship shows that social capital has a large influence on political behavior. Social capital’s definition includes trust, norms of reciprocity, and social networks. Most studies, however, ignore the networking component. Here, we test the influence of social networks on political participation using new Japanese survey data. We separately test the effects of involvement in formally organized voluntary associations and informal social networks. We also examine whether hierarchical networks have a different impact on participation than equal relationships. To determine if networks with bridging or bonding social capital affect participation differently, we also measure the openness to outsiders of these networks. Negative binomial regression models indicate a strong positive relationship between formal and informal social networking—including network hierarchy and some forms of openness—and political participation. 相似文献
123.
何成兵 《福建公安高等专科学校学报》2005,19(2):68-71
“职务行为”、“受贿方式”是受贿罪客观方面的重要组成部分。职务行为从主体上看包括本人及他人的职务,从时间上看只指利用现时职务的便利,刑法应增设职前受贿罪和职后受贿罪;受贿方式包括收受、期约、索取等三种。 相似文献
124.
In this article, we model the effect of foreign policy attitudes on both vote choice and casualty tolerance, using survey
data collected during the 2004 election. We show that prospective judgments of the likelihood of success in Iraq and retrospective
judgments of whether the war in Iraq was right are significant determinants of both vote choice and casualty tolerance. The
prospective judgment of success is key in predicting casualty tolerance, while retrospective judgment of whether the war was
right takes precedence in determining vote choice. In addition, there is an important interaction between the two variables,
so the effect of one is conditional on the value of the other. We believe this is compelling evidence that foreign policy
matters, and that it matters in reasonable ways.
相似文献
Jason ReiflerEmail: |
125.
周叶中 《河南省政法管理干部学院学报》2012,27(1):1-14
行为模式的差异性决定行为据以发生的权力在属性上的差别,而行为模式的差异性则往往由行为对象所决定。正是司法行为对象的差异性决定了司法行为体系中存在着目的行为、戏剧行为、规范调节行为以及交往行为等不同模式及其相互之间的差异性,而这种行为模式的差异性又决定了作为司法权构成要件的司法解释权、司法审判权、司法监督权与司法调解权等四项子权力在行为模式上的差异性。 相似文献
126.
127.
本文从政府部门的信息技术水平,政府部门个体的知识共享动机,以及政府知识共享的组织氛围等维度构建政府部门知识共享行为的理论模型。论文采用大样本问卷调查的方法在政府部门公务人员中开展实证研究,对模型的适用性进行检验。研究结果表明,政府部门的外部奖励对个体知识共享意愿之间没有相关关系,知识共享意愿与知识共享的组织氛围对于知识共享行为的影响作用非常大。研究结论可为政府部门提高公务员的知识共享行为提供有益借鉴。 相似文献
128.
金姗姗 《甘肃行政学院学报》2012,(2):49-56,127
在关于政治参与影响政治效能感的研究中,国外学者发展出了"工具说"、"发展说"和"结果说"三种解释框架。虽然三种解释不尽相同,但学者普遍认为积极的政治参与对政治效能感有一定的正面影响,尽管影响的因素、程度和范围存在不同。本文基于浙江省闾村实证调研,发现选举式的参与活动(参与投票、参与竞选活动、投票给当选者、参与当选者的助选活动)均未能显著影响政治效能感和村民效能感。甚至在村民的投票行为与主观期望的结果相一致时(投票给当选者、参与当选者的助选活动),亦未能发现其对效能感的显著影响。 相似文献
129.
The impact of local campaigning on voter choice has been studied within the theme of mobilisation. Grassroots effort can attract votes efficiently, but campaign contact is (potentially) endogenous, so results showing positive effects could be flawed. Experimental solutions to this problem are possible, but could also have low external validity. Drawing on the electoral geography literature, this article suggests that endogeneity concerns can be addressed through so‐called ‘friends and neighbours voting’. One source of endogeneity is that that candidates may tend to canvass those living close to their own homes, and those canvassed would be expected in any case to be prone to support local candidates. The problem of endogeneity is reframed and treated as an omitted variable bias. Using unique Irish data on the geographic location of the homes of candidates, as well as data on the location of the voters, the analysis confirms that canvassing has a positive impact on candidate choice independent of the effect of geographic distance. More importantly, these two variables interact. The results point to the relevance of the geographic dimension of electoral politics in driving the endogeneity bias in local campaigning studies. 相似文献
130.
The economy was a major issue in Germany’s 2009 election. The global economic crisis did not spare Germany, whose economy is tightly integrated into the global economy. So when the German economy experienced a historical shock, did voters connect their views of the economy with their vote choice? Or did they, as some research has suggested, recognize Germany’s dependence on global markets and cut the government slack, especially when the government consists of the country’s two major parties? Using pre- and post-election panel surveys from the German Longitudinal Election Study (GLES), we investigate the weight that voters gave to the economy, relative to other considerations, when casting their ballot and whether governing parties were disproportionately judged based on the state of the economy. 相似文献