论我国警务危机管理的运作机制和流程

我国目前处于社会转型和经济转轨的关键时期,警察面临着各种危机状态,公安机关应不断完善警务危机管理的运作机制和运作流程。     

村民选举中的制度困境及出路

村民选举是村民之间各种利益的博弈过程,由于政治市场固有的内在缺陷及各种非理性因素的影响,使得这一过程并没有产生国家与村民所预期的理性结果。因此,国家在宏观上提供矫正这些非理性结果的机制时,也有待于村民公共意识的提高。     

“For They Knew What They Did” – What Swiss Voters Did (Not) Know About The Mass Immigration Initiative

After the vote of 9 February 2014, many attributed the surprising result to voter ignorance. The basic claim was that the majority of those voting in favour of the initiative possessed only a weak understanding of what the likely outcome(s) would be if their choice prevailed. However, the analysis of the voters' knowledge level shows that they were comparably well aware of what the proposal at hand was about. Moreover, most voters voted their true preferences. They were also well aware about the possible economic ramifications acceptance could have for the relationship between Switzerland and the European Union and they were willing to take the risk. However, what should give the initiative's opponents a glimmer of hope is the fact that a majority believed that the principle of free movement would somehow be negotiable. Given the ongoing refusal of the EU to renegotiate that principle, these voters might have become less confident about its negotiability than they were before the vote.     

论提升司法公信力的路径——源自实证调研和数据挖掘的启示

司法公开是司法公信力的基础,但司法公开并不自动实现公众对司法活动过程和结果的信任与认同。通过对9省市的实证调研和数据挖掘,课题组发现除了司法公开以外,司法公信力还与司法独立、司法工作作风、司法过程、司法结果等方面密切相关。因此,建议可从以下几个方面重点着手来提升司法公信力:夯实司法公开以增加司法透明度,增强司法机关的独立性以保证司法权威,转变司法工作作风以提升司法权力主体的公信力,并更加注重司法过程的程序公正和司法结果的实体公正。     

审判中心主义下的“程序倒逼”机制探析

在审判中心主义的改革背景下,我国刑事诉讼应改变以往的"程序宽容"做法,通过庭审功能的实质性发挥,来强化审判对于侦查、起诉的引导制约作用,严格贯彻落实疑罪从无原则和非法证据排除规则,使法官敢于做出无罪判决、敢于排除非法证据,从而树立审判权威、提高司法公信、保障司法公正,实现从"程序宽容"到"程序倒逼"的转变,并最终逐步实现审判中心主义的改革目标。     

Voter Engagement,Electoral Inequality and First‐Time Compulsory Voting

This paper reviews the problem of declining turnout and proposes as a solution a system whereby each elector would be legally obliged to vote in the first election for which they were eligible. Popular attitudes toward first‐time compulsory voting are measured and probed by means of UK data. The main findings of the paper are that first‐time compulsory voting is a politically and administratively feasible proposal that appears tentatively to command popular support and has the potential to help address a number of the problems associated with declining turnout, and in particular low rates of electoral participation among younger citizens.     

It’s Not the Media,Stupid

It is commonly believed that the general public is heavily dependent on the media for its political news and views and that, as a consequence, the media exercise a strong influence over public opinion and behaviour. However, many millions in the Western world strongly believe things that are barely ever mentioned in the mainstream media, just as many millions also firmly reject or ignore some of the messages that are repeated incessantly by them. This confirms sixty years of experimental psychology research showing that most individuals are capable of preserving their beliefs, even in the face of overwhelming evidence, argument and logic to the contrary. Consistent with this, political science research finds little evidence of strong media influence on the party voting, political attitudes and election agendas of citizens. They have their own ways of gathering political information about the world around them, and they do not necessarily believe what they read in the papers, unless they are so inclined to start with. Consequently, media influences on mass opinion and behaviour are weaker than commonly assumed and, such as they are, their effects are more beneficial than harmful for democracy.     

Resurgent Remain and a Rebooted Revolt on the Right: Exploring the 2019 European Parliament Elections in the United Kingdom

The 2019 European Parliament (EP) election took place against the backdrop of the vote for Brexit and the failure of Parliament to agree on a withdrawal agreement. Nigel Farage’s new Brexit Party topped the poll and the pro‐Remain Liberal Democrats, which called for a second referendum on EU membership, returned from electoral obscurity to take second place, while other pro‐Remain parties similarly performed well. In sharp contrast, the two main parties, Labour and the Conservatives, recorded their lowest combined vote share since they became the main representatives of the two‐party system. In this article, we draw on aggregate‐level data to explore what happened at the 2019 EP election in Great Britain. Our evidence suggests Labour suffered from a ‘pincer movement’, losing support in its mainly white, working class ‘left behind’ heartlands but also in younger cosmopolitan areas where Labour had polled strongly at the 2017 general election. Support for the new Brexit Party increased more significantly in ‘left behind’ communities, which had given strong support to Leave at the 2016 referendum, suggesting that national populists capitalised on Labour’s woes. The Conservatives haemorrhaged support in affluent, older retirement areas but largely at the expense of the resurgent Liberal Democrats, with the latter surging in Remain areas and where the Conservatives are traditionally strong, though not in areas with younger electorates where the party made so much ground prior to the 2010–2015 coalition government. Lastly, turnout increased overall compared with 2014, but individuals living in Leave areas were less motivated to vote. Overall, our findings suggest that those living in Remain areas were more driven to express their discontent with the Brexit process and more inclined to support parties that offer a second referendum on Britain’s EU membership.     

Signalling issue salience: Explaining niche party support in second-order elections

Why do many mainstream party voters switch to voting for niche parties in second-order elections? I develop a simple framework to explain niche party switching in second-order elections and propose that some voters defect strategically to niche parties as a way to signal the salience of an otherwise overlooked issue to their preferred mainstream party. Using panel data from the United Kingdom and Germany, I find that vote switching in second-order elections is more common among those who perceive a mismatch between the party they feel close to and the party perceived as best able to handle an issue of importance to them, as well as when they believe less is at stake and when they place much importance on an overlooked issue.     

论公诉案件庭前审查程序

公正是诉讼追求的永远价值目标，但在司法实践中存在诸多制约此目标实现的因素，庭前审查程序成为其中之一种。在不能彻底废弃此类制度之前，必须将实体审查改革为单纯程序性审查，如此，或可为其后的审判程序及审判结果提供相对公正的保障。