Partisan Development in Post-Soviet Ukraine

ABSTRACT

The development of mass partisanship and party identification in post-Soviet societies is a controversial subject of scholarly research. One prevalent view argues that post-Soviet citizens are distrustful of parties and that it will take generations for party identification to appear in these societies. Others argue that partisanship is emerging as a result of citizens perceiving meaningful differences between the parties. If party identification is forming, partisanship should be relatively stable across time at the individual level. This study takes a rare look at 1999 panel data from Ukraine to determine the degree of partisan stability. The findings demonstrate that meaningful party identification appears to be emerging for a significant proportion of the population due to political information and this partisanship is influencing election decision making among Ukrainian voters.     

从程序视角论我国的船舶物权登记

船舶物权登记为船舶登记的一部分,分为实体和程序上的船舶物权登记。本文在分析两者关系和我国目前船舶登记程序存在问题的基础上,指出船舶物权登记的程序建制受制于实体法上船舶物权变动的立法模式,应当设置与《海商法》船舶物权变动立法模式相匹配的船舶物权登记程序以及对《船舶登记条例》作出相应的修改。     

A theory of identification

This paper analyzes the phenomenon of “identification” by an individual with actors in his environment. It argues that individuals interpret their environment according to “frames,” which they, as recipients of a message, derive by a complex process of interpretation of the communication setting. The paper also argues that individuals identify with actors in their environment, because this identification increases their utility vis-à-vis a “neutral” watching of their environment. The paper applies this approach to a variety of real life examples, in particular to voting.     

股改中征集委托投票制度的思考

征集委托投票制度的理论基础是民法上的委托代理,但股权分置改革赋予委托投票诸多特殊性。同时,关于委托授权范围和法律效力在股改中呈现出百家争鸣的趋势,这不利于保护流通股股东的利益。因此,对委托投票进行统一的规范是必要的。     

诉讼法典要不要规定基本原则——以现行《民事诉讼法》为分析对象

从各主要国家的立法例考察,直接在法典中设专章或专门条文规定基本原则的不是主流做法。由于受苏联法律的影响,在法典的卷首规定基本原则成了新中国立法的定式,但事实上这是过高甚至误解了基本原则的功能。基本原则只具有指导立法的功能,不能承载规制诉讼主体的行为准则和司法准则的功能。同时,诉讼法典规定基本原则,与程序法定主义和严格规则主义相冲突;加大了立法成本和将来修改法典的难度;为最高司法机关制定司法解释提供了所谓的法律依据和空间;也把目前学界在基本原则上的重大分歧带进法典中去。因此,在利弊权衡之下,我国可以考虑将基本原则从法典中撤出作为其立法体例的另一种思路。     

论表决权信托

表决权信托作为获取公司控制权的一种重要手段 ,是美国公司法上比较活跃的制度。但是 ,它的命运经历了从否定到争议再到肯定的过程。表决权信托的成立要符合三个要件 ,即采取书面形式、不能超期并进行登记、公示。通过对表决权信托证书持有人及受托人权利和义务的分析 ,对表决权信托的构造进行了深入研究 ,并首重分析了事实上的虚假表决权信托。针对表决权信托的特性 ,我国应通过适当立法途径建立起相应的表决权信托制度。     

论我国军事刑事诉讼的立法模式

<十届全国人大常委会的立法规划>中已经将制定<军事法院组织法>、<军事检察院组织法>和修改<刑事诉讼法>纳入立法规划.因此,在理论上探讨军事刑事诉讼的立法模式具有重要的现实意义.     

民事诉讼非法证据的排除

民事诉讼非法证据排除规则在适用中有三个程序问题需要解决——依当事人申请排除还是由法官依职权排除,合法性发生争议时证明责任由哪一方当事人负担,法院在诉讼中的哪个阶段做出排除与否的决定。民事诉讼的根本目的是在发现真实的基础上适用实体法规则解决纠纷,为实现此根本目的,同时也为了与诉讼效率、程序安定的目标相协调,宜设置当事人对合法性提出质疑后法院再来审查证据是否合法取得,合法性发生争议时由异议者对收集证据的非法性负证明责任,排除非法证据的决定在对各种相关权益和因素进行权衡后的判决阶段做出的程序规则。应当采用利益衡量的方法决定是否排除非法证据,并据此对非法证据排除规则进行重构。     

Testing for sources of electoral competition under authoritarianism: an analysis of Russia’s gubernatorial elections

What drives electoral competition in competitive authoritarian regimes? Most scholarship has assumed that the outcome of these elections is decided by regime manipulation alone. Using three rounds of newly reinstated gubernatorial elections in Russia’s regions, I test this assumption. I identify three distinct measures of competition calibrated to authoritarian elections and assess whether voter preferences or regime manipulation best explain the degree of electoral competition. Relying on new data on protests across Russia’s regions, I find that regions with high protest activity have more contested elections with narrower margins of victory. The results also confirm recent scholarship highlighting the importance of voter turnout for delivering pro-regime victories.     

Voting for Movement Parties in Southern Europe: The Role of Protest and Digital Information

In recent years ‘movement parties’ such as Syriza in Greece, the Movimento 5 Stelle in Italy, Podemos in Spain and—to a lesser extent—Bloco de Esquerda in Portugal shook national party systems, breaking the consolidated dynamics of political competition. Despite growing interest in movement parties, there has been scant attention to the role of citizens adopting unconventional forms of action and using digital media in accounting for their electoral performance. To fill this gap, four original internet-based post-electoral surveys are employed showing that protesters and digital media users are more likely to vote for these parties, despite important country differences.