推动产业技术体系变革实现县域经济的可持续发展

县域经济是我国国民经济的重要组成部分,从本质上说,县域经济也是“三农”经济。改革开放以来,县域经济获得了快速发展,但这种发展却往往伴随着资源耗竭与环境破坏。要实现我国县域经济的可持续发展,必须推动县域经济产业技术体系变革。通过对国外可持续经济理论的分析,结合我国县域经济发展现状,提出将科技进步视为实现可持续性县域经济的第一推动力;以现代技术改造传统县域经济产业;以生态产业园区建设为中心,构筑县域经济发展新平台;以行政立法,经济杠杆等手段,激发县域经济体系中的中小企业的创新意识,环境保护意识的县域经济可持续发展战略。     

从非营利组织看事业单位的改革

中国在推进事业单位改革的过程中开始提出和使用非营利组织的概念,正确看待非营利组织现状和在中国公益事业中的作用,让事业单位和民间非营利组织平等发展,甚至相互竞争来促进事业单位提高服务意识和服务质量。使公益性,非营利性得到真正体现,并让改革的成果惠及全体人民。     

稳定:中国改革和发展的社会阈值——江泽民同志维护社会稳定思想简论

江泽民同志关于维护社会稳定的一系列论述,是十三年来中国共产党第三代中央领导集体坚定不移地贯彻邓小平关于“稳定压倒一切”的思想,正确处理改革、发展、稳定的三者关系,领导全国人民建设中国特色社会主义伟大实践的科学总结,是在实践基础上的理论创新。(一)全面而深刻地揭示了改革、发展、稳定三者的“内在联系”。一是改革、发展、稳定共处于一个统一体,是辩证统一的关系。二是改革、发展、稳定三者间存在着一种总的联系,“把改革的力度、发展的速度和社会可承受的程度统一起来”是其中最有规律性的联系;而“不断改善人民生活”则是这种“总的联系”中的重要结合点。(二)在理论上已初步形成了较为完整的观念体系。一是具备了理论认识价值;二是生成了一系列论述观点的概念集合;三是提出了检验其理论的实践标准。(三)在实践上回答了正确处理改革、发展、稳定三者关系的一系列重大问题,制定了一整套策略措施。一是总揽全局,整体推进;二是注重关联,把握过程;三是抓住关键,巩固基础;四是先务当务之急,不务不急之务;五是为之于未有,治之于未乱。     

银行法中的私人自治原则与国家监管

银行法应当区分为银行私法和银行公法,私人自治是其中的基本原则,银行法许多规范都表现了私人自治原则。通常所提及的国家监管原则只不过是私人自治原则的补充。     

Corporatism packaged in pluralist ideology: the case of Slovenia

Corporatism has been an influential doctrine in the Slovenian polity since its beginning. After the onset of democratization in the early 1990s, its influence remains strong. Forms of corporatism are embodied in the National Council as the second chamber of parliament, in the chamber system, the system of social partnership and the RTVS (Public Television of Slovenia) Council. It is also present in certain socio-political priorities such as a higher value being placed on partnership over competition, on fairness over human rights, on community over individualism. Social pluralism has always been a part of Slovenian public life. Political pluralism emerged at the end of the 19th century and was never fully developed. There has always been a strong inclination in the political life of Slovenia to organize around interest groups and editorial boards of various publications, a tendency that reveals a plurality of voices but a general unwillingness to fight for political power. It could also be concluded that the development of pluralism in Slovenia relies heavily on corporatism because of the general lack of liberal foundations.     

专修学院学生思想动态及其分析

专修学院学生的思想状况比较复杂,认识问题的程度差异较大。本文通过问卷调查,找出学生思想变化的因素,并对其进行分析研究,以不断提高学生思想教育工作的成效。     

依法执政的法意省思

依法执政是中国作为执政党的中国共产党在新形势下执政方式的重大调整和深刻转变,是在依法治国、建设社会主义法治国家的时代背景下执政党执政理念法治化的根本体现,也是顺民心遂民愿的明智之举。依法执政理念要作为指引执政党执政实践的正确航标,本身需要从法治而非人治的视角进行明确的梳理和辩思。     

国家赔偿制度之程序研究

《中华人民共和国国家赔偿法》虽然在施行之初保护了人民的合法权利,但现在的不完善已经影响了其作用的充分发挥,也就不能很好的保护当事人的合法权利,甚至影响当事人合法权利的正确行使。本文对国家赔偿法划分为行政赔偿和司法赔偿两部分,并对它们的现状作简单的梳理,在此基础上提出现实中存在的一些题和解决这些问题的方法。     

Governance without a state: Can it work?

In this article we explore how much state is necessary to make governance work. We begin by clarifying concepts of governance and the “shadow of hierarchy” and we follow this clarification with a brief overview of empirical findings on governance research in developed countries. We then discuss the dilemmas for governance in areas of limited statehood, where political institutions are too weak to hierarchically adopt and enforce collectively binding rules. While prospects for effective policymaking appear to be rather bleak in these areas, we argue that governance research has consistently overlooked the existence of functional equivalents to the shadow of hierarchy. We assert that governance with(out) government can work even in the absence of a strong shadow of hierarchy, we identify functional equivalents to the shadow of hierarchy, and we discuss to what extent they can help overcome issues of legitimacy and effectiveness in areas of limited statehood.     

Strengthening Green Global Governance in a Disparate World SocietyWould a World Environment Organisation Benefit the South?

The debate on the advantages and disadvantages of upgrading the United Nations Environment Programme to a 'world environment organisation' (WEO) has gained momentum in both academe and politics. This article contends that a WEO would further the interests especially of developing countries, because it would provide them, first, a high-level forum to unite their individual bargaining power against the major industrialised countries. Second, a WEO would assist Southern efforts to garner international support for environmental programmes in regions and sectors that are increasingly bypassed by economic globalisation. Third, a WEO would create a locus to politically institutionalise the influence of non-governmental lobbyists in a way that increases the balance of opinions and perspectives. The article then addresses special challenges and caveats for developing countries in the upcoming negotiation process, in particular whether an upgraded UNEP would address only 'global' issues, thus absolving the international community from assisting developing countries in mitigating the more pressing local environmental issues in the South; whether the new body would have powerful sanctioning mechanisms, which might disproportionally affect developing countries; and what decision-making procedures the new body would have.