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1.
论《与贸易有关的投资措施协定》的适用范围 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
本文从以下几方面来探讨《与贸易有关的投资措施协定》的适用范围 :投资措施的涵义 ,与贸易有关的投资措施的涵义 ,《与贸易有关的投资措施协定》的适用范围 相似文献
2.
British constitutional legal discourse is structurally limited in its capacity to capture the complexity of the Good Friday Agreement. Rather than assessing the Agreement in narrow devolutionary terms, it should be seen as a hybrid domestic and international law instrument, making an important contribution to accepted international law norms in relation to self-determination. The Agreement transforms and partly transcends the Northern Ireland conflict by substituting political contestation for violent conflict, and by defining the modalities of conducting that contestation. This analysis complements classical international law perspectives, and opens up the application of legal discourses associated with 'transitional justice' to the legal and political transformation in Northern Ireland. These discourses focus on the problem of reconciling the demands of peace with the imperatives of justice. The Agreement sits squarely in this terrain with its provisions on 'dealing with the past' and 'institutional legacies'. The insights gained here challenge orthodox thinking about conflict-management and the ongoing political process. 相似文献
3.
Abstract Recent developments in European Union (EU) asylum cooperation raise important questions about the nature of cooperation and the potential problems facing collective action in the realm of EU internal security. The emergence and the subsequent stability of the Schengen/Dublin system is especially puzzling, given the highly inequitable distribution of costs and benefits that this system entails among the participating states and begs the question as to why those states that are likely to face a disproportionate ‘burden’ under the system would have agreed to it. This article seeks to provide an alternative approach to answering this question by drawing on a public goods framework. We argue that a simple focus on free-riding and exploitation dynamics, as emphasized in the traditional collective action literature, falls short as an explanation and instead demonstrates how more recent theoretical contributions to the public goods literature can offer new insights into the origin and evolution in cooperation in this sensitive policy area. 相似文献
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Rachel M. Krause 《政策研究评论》2012,29(5):585-604
Much of the attention surrounding local climate protection in the United States is associated with two networks: ICLEI Local Governments for Sustainability's Cities for Climate Protection and the U.S. Conference of Mayors’ Climate Protection Agreement (MCPA). However, the impact of these networks on member‐city actions has not been clearly established. This paper examines whether, and to what extent, participation in climate networks leads to the implementation of greenhouse gas (GHG)‐reducing policies, above and beyond what would have been done in their absence. To account for the possibility that cities which join climate networks are systematically different from those that do not and control for self‐selection induced bias, three statistical techniques—propensity score matching, Heckman full information maximum likelihood, and instrumental variables—are employed to estimate the “treatment effect” of participation. Results suggest that impact is network specific: ICLEI membership causes small to moderate increases in cities’ GHG‐relevant activity, whereas the MCPA has no such effect. The characteristics of each network are evaluated in light of these findings. 相似文献
7.
T. G. Agitha 《The Journal of World Intellectual Property》2012,15(1):26-50
In the context of the Copyright Amendment Bill, 2010 of India, this paper explores the feasibility in the international context, of compulsory licence, to ensure information dissemination while safeguarding the interests of copyright owners and the Indian legal position in this respect. Though India pioneered the pressure group for ensuring recognition of compulsory licence in international norms in the discussions of the Berne Convention, it is interesting how her own laws were drafted and how the new Bill is addressing this issue. The problem of access to the information from the developed countries in the context of The Agreement on Trade‐Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS Agreement) and the interpretation to the open‐ended three‐step test to facilitate such access are the focal point of this paper. 相似文献
8.
Morten Walle Tvedt 《The Journal of World Intellectual Property》2021,24(1-2):83-99
The Standard Material Transfer Agreement (SMTA) of the Plant Treaty is the primary legal tool for making monetary benefit sharing work. International public law, including the International Treaty on Plant Genetic Resources for Food and Agriculture (ITPGRFA), is binding on states and have no legally binding effect on private companies. Access and benefit‐sharing, both under the ITPGRFA and the convention on biological diversity (CBD), aim at altering the actions of private users and companies. This article analyses the SMTA from a contract‐law perspective raising the question whether the SMTA can work as a binding contract? For a contract to work it must establish legally binding and enforceable obligations on a user of plant genetic resources. The method is to analyse the current SMTA from a contract legal language perspective. It will investigate, ways of coining the obligations in the wording, unclear trigger‐points, lack of remedies against breach of contract and limited enforcement mechanisms can explain lack of user payment. It will draw on contract‐law research to outline possible ways forward to an improved SMTA. The main aim is to contribute to a future improvement of a second generation SMTA. 相似文献
9.
投资争端解决机制是《海峡两岸投资保障和促进协议》(简称《两岸投资协议》)中体现两岸特色的重要制度创新之一。相较于传统双边投资协议中的投资争端解决机制而言,两岸投资争端解决机制除了引入两岸私人投资争端解决方式,还规定了投资者与投资所在地一方投资争端的协调、协处和调解等多元化机制,实现了单方规定的协议化和国际实践的两岸化,从而有效降低了两岸投资争端的“泛政治化”风险。未来,应进一步完善两岸投资补偿争端的调解程序,确保调解协议的法律约束力和执行力。 相似文献
10.
Joanna Harrington 《Human Rights Review》2009,10(1):5-34
The return of devolution to Northern Ireland in May 2007 marks an important turning point in the Northern Ireland peace process,
but there remains the issue of the “on-the-runs”—a term used to describe persons suspected of committing a range of terrorist
acts during the Troubles, who were never arrested, charged, prosecuted, or tried. It is thought that the On-the-Runs want
to return to Northern Ireland, but determining the conditions for their return is a difficult and controversial issue, raising
legal and moral concerns and causing strong and painful reactions among the victims of terrorist violence on all sides of
the Northern Ireland conflict. It is also an issue that is complicated by the fact that while the Belfast Agreement of 1998
did not address expressly the situation of the On-the-Runs, it did provide for the accelerated release of a significant number
of paramilitaries, both republican and loyalist, from prisons in both Ireland and Northern Ireland. This paper reviews the
possible options in law for addressing the situation of the On-the-Runs, including extradition and prosecution, as well as
trial and amnesty, and pardons. While the paper makes clear that the political offence exception to extradition is no longer
the obstacle it once was, it also concludes that politics, rather than law, or simply the passage of time is more likely to
offer the solution to the problem posed by the On-the-Runs.
相似文献
Joanna HarringtonEmail: |