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1.
邓小平和江泽民在领导我国人民进行改革开放和现代化建设的伟大实践中 ,深刻总结吸取了以往的经验教训 ,对社会主义建设时期的人民范畴作出了新分析 ,对社会主义制度下人民主体性的实现进行了新探索 ,还进一步丰富深化了为人民服务的思想 ,坚持和发展了毛泽东的人民观。  相似文献   
2.
朱子学在日本江户时期急速兴起的原因及其特色   总被引:1,自引:2,他引:1  
日本朱子学从原来的一种文化修养转而作为一种伦理道德和思想文化在江户幕府时期急速兴起有其深刻的社会背景。而且日本与中国和朝鲜高度集权的中央官僚统治不同,具有容纳了相对独立的子系统和严格的职业等级分工的结构特色。这种结构特色要求朱子学解决具体的“问题”而不是钟情于抽象的“主义”。因此,日本朱子学被具体诠释成日本社会各个层次乃至庶民的不同伦理文化,而呈现出多样性和庶民化的特点。  相似文献   
3.
宪法是一国的立法基础和法律体系的核心,对一国的法治有着举足轻重的作用。新中国的第一部宪法是在毛泽东的领导主持下制定的。毛泽东不仅为宪法指出了重要的指导思想和基本原则,主持了宪法起草委员会的主要工作,而且直接参与了宪法草案的起草和修改工作,为第一部宪法的制定和颁行作出了突出贡献。  相似文献   
4.
    
《Japan Forum》2012,24(2):251-265
This article examines human security activities on the ground by highlighting the role of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in providing humanitarian assistance both at home and abroad. In particular, by focusing on a number of specific organizations, it assesses the kinds of campaigns that come under general human security categories and explores the profiles of a variety of aid agencies within Japan.  相似文献   
5.
    
Abstract

A central thesis of Karl Polanyi's The great transformation concerns the tensions between capitalism and democracy: the former embodies the principle of inequality, while democracy represents that of equality. This paper explores the intellectual heritage of this thesis, in the ‘functional theory’ of G.D.H. Cole and Otto Bauer and in the writings of Eduard Bernstein. It scrutinizes Polanyi's relationship with Bernstein's ‘evolutionary socialism’ and charts his ‘double movement’ vis-à-vis Marxist philosophy: in the 1910s he reacted sharply against Marxism's deterministic excesses, but he then, in the 1920s, engaged in sympathetic dialogue with Austro-Marxist thinkers. The latter, like Bernstein, disavowed economic determinism and insisted upon the importance and autonomy of ethics. Yet they simultaneously predicted a law-like expansion of democracy from the political to the economic arena. Analysis of this contradiction provides the basis for a concluding discussion that reconsiders the deterministic threads in Polanyi's oeuvre. Whereas for some Polanyi scholars these attest to his residual attraction to Marxism, I argue that matters are more complex. While Polanyi did repudiate the more rigidly deterministic of currents in Marxist philosophy, those to which he was attracted, notably Bernstein's ‘revision’ and Austro-Marxism, incorporated a deterministic fatalism of their own, in respect of democratization. Herein lies a more convincing explanation of Polanyi's incomplete escape from a deterministic philosophy of history, as exemplified in his masterwork, The great transformation.  相似文献   
6.
On 15 January 2011, there occurred an unprecedented event in the annals of Arab states: for the first time, the masses revolted and ousted a local ruler. The Tunisian masses took to the streets and stayed there until Zayn al-‘ābidīn bin ‘Alī stepped down, or, rather, fled the country. Ten days after Bin ‘Alī’s fall, the masses filled the thoroughfares of Egypt's major cities and demanded the resignation of President Hosni Mubarak, who had ruled Egypt for 30 years. On 12 February 2011, after 18 days of stormy protests, Vice President Omar Suleiman announced Mubarak's resignation and announced that Mubarak's powers had been transferred to him. This paper follows the Egyptian saga in the context of the new phenomenon taking place across the Arab world – citizen revolts. It does not address the protests by Islamic opposition groups, especially the Muslim Brotherhood; instead, it offers case studies in social, economic, and ideological (one might even say, secular) contexts, not religious ones. It surveys the recent epoch-making events in the Nile region and compares them with violent demonstrations and riots in its past. The paper's importance lies in its examination of the role of the armed forces in each case and primarily in its investigation of the assertion that the broad-based uprisings seem to have written finis to the military's pivotal role in Arab states.  相似文献   
7.
    
Most observers hold a positive view of China's reform since 1978 but are critical of the policies of the era of Mao Zedong, ignoring the inseparable connections between the two. This article argues that the post‐Mao era reform represents both continuity and discontinuity with the immediate past, and a complex mingling of Mao's legacy with new initiatives. The origins of many reform policies, as well as their accomplishments, could be traced back to the Mao era. They were often conditioned by, benefited from, or were built upon the outcomes of Mao's policies. These included the decisions to normalize China's relations with the United States and develop friendship with Third World countries, efforts to decentralize economic power and industrialize China without urbanization, and the move to defeat “capitalist roaders” but call Deng Xiaoping back to office. Overall, the turn toward capitalism of China has proven Mao's foresight, validated his concerns, and may be evidence of the lasting utility of Maoism.  相似文献   
8.
毛泽东民族自信心的形成,是与中华民族传统文化和时代特征紧密联系的。毛泽东的民族自信心具有继承性、科 学性、人民性等特点,并在实践中得到不断发展。毛泽东民族自信心在中国革命和现代化建设中显示了巨大的威力,对我 们的工作和学习有重要启示。  相似文献   
9.
创新是毛泽东思想百花园中一朵光彩夺目的奇葩。它体现于毛泽东关心、思索、研究的各个领域,是贯串始终、联系毛泽东思想的主线。毛泽东的创新思想主要有四个基本特点。  相似文献   
10.
毛泽东虽然没有提出党内和谐的概念,但他的思想体系中却有着丰富的党内和谐思想。毛泽东的党内和谐思想的主要之点可以归纳为:提出着重从思想上建党,首先从思想上构建党内和谐;创造整风形式,通过整风化解党内矛盾、实现党内和谐;提出民主集中制的公式和目标,意在造就党内和谐局面;提出党的干部标准和路线,意在消除党内不和谐的主要肇因;倡导批评与自我批评的作风,为党内和谐提供有效手段;高度重视党的思想政治工作,寻求实现党内和谐的有效工具。  相似文献   
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