科学发展观视野下地方财经高校科研管理研究

科学发展观是中国特色社会主义理论体系的最新内容,对高校科研管理工作具有重大指导意义。按照科学发展观的要求进行科研管理,有利于促进高校科研与市场接轨、提高科研成果的转化率、更好地为社会生活服务。以科学发展观指导科研管理工作,就是要在全面、准确理解科学发展观的科学内涵和精神实质的基础上,结合高校科研工作实际,按照科学发展观的要求,积极推进科研管理创新,促进高校科研水平不断提高。     

The Past as Prologue in Life Extension

Aging research may significantly lengthen human life spans in the foreseeable future. This paper argues that we do not need to wait until this happens to prepare for the dislocations that may result. Increased longevity over the past century has already raised urgent, unresolved issues of equity, social cohesion, and human dignity. These developments, and our past experiences in dealing with them, provide a basis for revisiting the basic questions raised by all attempts to extend human life: what does life mean, and why is it worth extending?     

论村民委员会作为乡村社会维权性组织的可能与路径

“三农”问题的实质是农民权益问题,作为村民自治组织的村民委员会应成为维护乡村社会权益的组织依托;当前在我国乡村治理的实践中,乡村自治性组织的维权性功能存在着缺位、错位和异化的现象,这是由诸多原因造成的;在社会主义新农村建设中应着力构建以保障农民权益为根本的乡村治理新机制,推进乡村自治组织的社会性复归;通过政治环境的发展、制度机制的重构、文化观念的培育,挖掘和塑造村民自治性组织作为村民群众维权性组织的组织资源和实践能力。     

论马克思恩格斯与时俱进的理论研究品质

马克思主义与时俱进的理论品质,源于马克思和恩格斯所具有的与时俱进的理论研究品质.他们在理论研究过程中,始终坚持刻苦钻研,不懈追求,致力于攀登科学高峰;始终坚持精心研究,严谨治学,力求思想不断深化完善;并且能够做到审时度势,勇于更新,及时调整革命战略方针;做到与时俱进,随时关注新情况,不断提出新创见.这种与时俱进的理论研究品质,为我们在现时期研究和解决社会主义建设中的新情况新问题,更好地坚持和发展马克思主义,更好对推进中国特色社会主义事业的发展,提供了良好的榜样.     

试析村民在《村民委员会组织法》实施中的作用

当前,村民在《村民委员会组织法》实施中的作用主要表现为民主选举、民主决策、民主管理、民主监督。但由于受到利益、村民的民主权利意识、法制意识和法律制度等因素的影响,村民作用并未能充分发挥。因此,要努力发展农村经济,增加农民收入,增强村民的民主权利意识和法制观念,完善《村民委员会组织法》及配套规章制度,从而为村民作用的发挥创造良好的内部条件和外部环境。     

论桂林在“泛珠三角”区域合作中的借势发展

“泛珠三角”区域的合作发展战略,是促进本区域经济社会全面、协调、可持续发展的有力举措。“泛珠三角”合作正面临着国际金融危机的挑战,但也蕴含着难得的机遇。参与“泛珠三角”区域合作,是桂林市经济社会建设的又一次发展契机,充分发挥区域合作优势是桂林借势发展的最佳选择。     

Can We Make Accurate Long-term Predictions About Patterns of De-escalation in Offending Behavior?

This study consists of a comparative analysis of patterns of de-escalation between ages 17–18 and 32, based on data from two well-known prospective longitudinal studies, the Cambridge Study in Delinquent Development (a study of 411 working-class males in London) and the Montreal Two Samples Longitudinal Study (a sample of 470 adjudicated French-Canadian males). Analyses focus on within-individual change, with individuals serving as their own controls. In this regard, the magnitude of measured change is relative to the past degree of involvement in offending. These results are contrasted with predictors of between-individual differences in offending behavior at age 32. We investigate the respective roles of cognitive predispositions and social bonds in the prediction of patterns of de-escalation, and assess whether it is possible to make relatively long-term predictions (over a 15-year period) about offending in adulthood. Findings suggest that traditional measures of social bonds and cognitive predispositions measured at age 17–18 are generally weak predictors of de-escalation up to age 32. However, these measures are stronger predictors of between-individual differences in offending gravity. These findings highlight the difficulties in making accurate long-term predictions about changes in individual offending patterns early in the criminal career.

劳动关系研究英美模式比较——形成的回顾与20世纪80年代后的变化

美国和英国是劳动关系理论发源地,也是对劳动关系理论发展做出重大贡献的国家。他们为劳动关系研究提供了最基本的研究范式。由于两个国家工业化的道路不同,工会运动发展的路径不同,两国劳动关系的研究在研究范围、研究方法、学者和学科来源以及构成上都存在一定差异。     

质的研究报告——社团组织在社区教育资源整合中的地位与作用

在我国社会发展中,社团组织具有积极力量.而支持与扶持积极、健康的社团组织,并极力促进这些社团组织的壮大与发展,对目前我国政府在社区教育投入不多的现实条件下,是一个很有前景的社会事业.调研表明,在街道的社区教育活动中,居民自发组织起来的各种社团组织在地区的社区教育活动中发挥着无可替代的作用.     

“We feel that our strength is on the factory floor”: Dualism,shop-floor power,and labor law reform in late apartheid South Africa

ABSTRACT

This article explores the transformation of South African labor relations during the 1980s. In 1979, prompted by new shop-floor militancy, the Wiehahn Commission recommended that black workers, previously excluded from state labor machinery, be permitted to join recognized trade unions. Most discussions of this shift in apartheid labor relations focus on the ensuing debate within the black unions, torn between preserving their independence or securing state legitimation. This article looks instead at the related debate about ‘levels of bargaining’: should emergent black unions demand to negotiate at the factory level, where they had secured shop-floor strength through organizing and democratic practice, or pursue the benefits of the corporatist bargaining structures that had long excluded them and had privileged white workers? The eventual drift towards corporatism, I argue, imprinted the character of the South African labor movement into the post-apartheid era. An understandable desire to wield influence at the level of the national political economy eroded the tradition of workers’ control, shop floor democracy, and struggle unionism that black unions had forged during the 1970s and 1980s.