Memory and taste in the collections and households of the Spanish nobility (nineteenth and early twentieth centuries): an introduction to the topic with some notes on the house of Osuna and the origins of the period room

“Albeit democratic, their coat of arms has pride of place”. Thus Romualdo Nogués defined, in 1890, Spanish collectors of bourgeois origin who had joined the ranks of the aristocracy. A few years later, in 1924, the Duke of Alba’s maiden speech at the Academia de Bellas Artes de San Fernando justified his personal artistic worthiness on the basis of his ancestors’ collecting activities and the artworks they had amassed.

These two examples set the scene for the research questions studied in this monographic issue. The present introduction offers a bird’s eye view of the phenomenon and continues with a few remarks about the House of Osuna which, as is well known, occupied a pivotal position in Spanish nobility during the whole of the second half of the nineteenth century.     

An alternative reading of religion and authoritarianism: the new logic between religion and state in the AKP’s New Turkey

ABSTRACT

Since roughly 2011, the Turkish state and the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) have been going through a process of mutual transformation. Some of the historical apprehensions, biases and frustrations exhibited by Turkey as a middle power have been absorbed by the relatively reformist AKP. Conversely, the AKP and its undisputed leader Erdo?an have seen their socio-political fears, power based conflicts and ethno-religious desires become dominant in all areas, including religion. As a consequence of this bilateral transformation, Turkey has become both an inclusionary and a hegemonic-authoritarian state, and at the same time a weak one. Within this new identity and structure of the state, Sunni Islam has become one of the regime’s key focal points, with a new logic. This article seeks to explain the transformation of the relations between the AKP’s Turkish state, religion and religious groups, by scrutinising Karrie Koesel’s logic of state-religion interaction in authoritarian regimes.     

The intersectionality of gender,sexuality, and religion: novelties and continuities in Turkey during the AKP era

ABSTRACT

This article argues that in the AKP era, gender and sexuality play a central role in reshaping the secular-religious divide to instil ‘yeni milli’ (new national) – or as AKP members call it, ‘yerli ve milli’ (homegrown and national)- values. Adopting a feminist and reflexive approach, this article seeks to demonstrate that Erdo?an and the AKP have used gender and sexuality-related issue areas not as diversions to highjack the public agenda, as it is often assumed, but as a medium to regulate the neoliberal redistribution of conservative values. After a brief presentation of the historical background of the gendered evolution of the secular-religious divide in Turkish politics, this article focuses on the following three particular cases: the policies and discourse on LGBTI rights; the link that was established between the reproductive rights of women and ethnic identity; and how the AKP created new types of ‘other men’ and ‘other women.’ The article also seeks to show that in each case the meanings attributed to the secular and the religious in the secular-religious divide have shifted accordingly and that shift was reflective of, and was used to instil the particular set of values supportive of particular political positions.     

党校函授教育必须加强班委会作用和学员自我管理能力

加强班委会作用和学员自我管理能力是党校函授教育的特点和规律的客观要求,要建立健全组织体系,拓展教育内涵,培育校园文化。     

加强和改进党政干部教育培训的若干思考

党政干部教育培训是我国教育事业的重要组成部分。宁夏党政干部教育培训工作在培训主体、培训客体和管理环节方面都不同程度地存在着问题,需要树立和实践"大教育、大培训"的新理念,建立健全党政干部教育法规、制度和机制,通过整合教育资源、建设教育培训的主渠道等途径来加以解决。     

“九一八”事变与山西民众抗日救亡运动

"九一八"事变使中日民族矛盾成为中国社会的主要矛盾,全国人民由此掀起了抗日救亡的浪潮.山西民众抗日救亡运动也蓬勃发展,直接推翻了国民党山西省党部,迫使阎锡山组织和利用群众运动,为中国共产党抗日民族统一战线政策的形成提供了有力的支持.     

治国必先治党治党必须从严——学习《中国共产党党内监督条例》有感

党内监督的实质是党从人民的利益出发,按照"治国必先治党,治党必须从严"的要求进行的自我约束和自我完善;理论及实践操作上存在的党内监督的薄弱环节反映了颁布<条例>的紧迫性;求真务实决定党内监督的实际功效.     

对"三个代表"关于党执政合法性的意蕴解读

"三个代表"重要思想是对中国共产党长期执政的政治合法性的直接应答,政治合法性意蕴是"三个代表"的应有之义.从政治合法性的层面解读"三个代表"重要思想,有利于完整地理解"三个代表"重要思想,消除"三个代表"研究的盲点."三个代表"重要思想从政治合法性的绩效性基础、意识形态基础、群众基础、法理型基础等方面论证了中国共产党长期执政的政治合法性.     

必须维护毛泽东同志的历史地位

必须从党和毛泽东的全部历史,从历史转折关头毛泽东的巨大贡献,从毛泽东对丰富发展马克思主义理论宝库的巨大贡献,从毛泽东思想对世界的影响,看待毛泽东同志的历史地位。毛泽东晚年的错误是伟大的无产阶级革命家所犯的错误。邓小平理论、"三个代表"重要思想是新时期对毛泽东思想的继承、坚持和发展,是同马克思列宁主义、毛泽东思想一脉相承的科学体系。所以,必须旗帜鲜明地维护毛泽东同志的历史地位。     

从社会主义历史实践看“三个代表“重要思想

"三个代表"是科学社会主义理论创新的必然结果,来自全球社会主义历史实践的正反经验,是中国共产党在世界经济全球化和中国社会主义现代性经济社会结构转型背景下,向全体人民作出的领导建设中国特色社会主义伟大事业的执政承诺.中国共产党兑现这一执政承诺的主要途径是在意识形态意义上引导全体人民建立一种对小康社会目标的合理社会预期,同时把先进生产力、先进文化和人民根本利益以党的路线、方针、政策和制度形式展现在中国特色社会主义的经济、文化和政治文明建设实践之中.