20世纪中国与中国统一战线

２０世纪中国的深刻变革，不是一个政党、一个阶级的努力所能达到的，而是多种因素、多种力量形成合力的结果。因此，没有中国统一战线，就没有２０世纪中国的历史性进步。中国共产党领导的统一战线在８０年的发展历程中，为实现中华民族独立、统一、富强、民主，为中国人民在世界舞台上发挥更大的作用作出了历史性贡献。     

加强人大对政府机关依法行政的监督

目前 ,人大监督乏力状况没有从根本上改变 ,主要原因为 :监督意识不强 ;监督体制不完善 ;法制不够健全 ;监督多流于形式 ,手段较单一 ;缺乏监督整体合力。要改变人大监督乏力现状 ,必须做好如下工作 :强化监督意识 ,增强监督动力 ;改革监督体制 ;加强人大自身队伍建设 ;逐步实现人大监督法制化、规范化 ;变革监督方式和手段 ;突出监督工作重点 ;理顺关系、形成监督合力。     

基层党组织必须高度重视党课教育

党课教育面临中国社会全面转型的诸多挑战。目前基层党组织党课教育的现状令人担忧。在新社会形势下,重视和加强党课教育对于提高党对意识形态的领导力是十分重要的。今天,党课教育要尽快重现生命活力,就必须与时俱进。     

共产党员的信仰与先进性

共产党由共产党员组成,共产党的先进性由每一名共产党员具体体现。信仰共产主义从思想上保证了党员的先进性,一方面政党对成员的要求决定了共产党员必须信仰共产主义;另一方面,马克思主义的科学性决定了共产主义信仰是科学的信仰。     

Party opportunism among local politicians after Taiwan’s power transition

This paper probes into a hypothesised opportunism towards political party affiliation among local politicians in Taiwan since the power transition from Kuomintang (KMT) to Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) rule began in 2000. Longitudinal changes in election candidates' party affiliation are analysed to see what happened to the KMT's supposedly strong base of local politicians after the change of governing party. The research finds a generally high propensity of election candidates' changing or dropping their party affiliation between elections, and an increased propensity among KMT candidates after 2000. However, defections to other parties are more common in higher elections. In grassroots elections, many candidates flow in and out of their party affiliation depending on the political circumstances, but they rarely change party. Several years after the DPP gained power in presidential elections, the new ruling party is still struggling to build a strong local party organisation.     

Past the saturation point: Why voters switch from mainstream to niche parties and vice-versa

When do voters switch from mainstream to niche parties and vice-versa? To understand these switches, we focus on the saturation of the party system. We theorize that when a party system is oversaturated – i.e. when a higher effective number of parties contests elections than predicted based on socio-political contextual characteristics (the system's ‘carrying capacity’) – it becomes increasingly likely that: (1) mainstream party voters defect to niche parties; and (2) niche party voters refrain from switching to mainstream parties. Based on vote-switching patterns in 15 countries and 53 elections, we find that oversaturation increases shifts from mainstream to niche parties. Further analyses show that this holds for shifts from mainstream to radical left and right parties, but not for shifts to green parties. This has important consequences for research on vote switching, the electoral consequences of policy differentiation and the competition between niche and mainstream parties.     

用“十六届三中全会”精神指导公安经侦工作

公安机关经侦部门和全体经侦民警要在“三个代表”和“十六届三中全会”精神指导下 ,深入学习和贯彻落实中共中央《关于完善社会主义市场经济体制若干问题的决定》和《关于进一步加强和改革公安工作的决定》 ,积极参与整顿和规范市场经济秩序工作 ,最大限度地预防重大经济犯罪的发生 ,最大限度地减少经济犯罪对国家、集体和个人财产造成的损失 ,最大限度地减轻经济犯罪对国家经济安全带来的危害 ;严厉打击经济犯罪。     

White Voters and African American Candidates for Congress

The vast majority of African American officeholders are elected from jurisdictions with sizable numbers of African Americans. The most common explanation for this phenomenon locates the cause among white voters who are reluctant to vote for black candidates, which thereby limits the electoral prospects of black candidates in white constituencies. This study analyzes exit poll data from the 1996 and 1998 House elections in order to test the notion that white voters are averse to black candidates. Despite theoretical expectations that predict the existence of white voter discrimination against African American candidates, remarkably little is apparent. Thus, other explanations for patterns of African American officeholding in the United States need to be pursued.     

The Free Economy and the Schizophrenic State: Ideology and the Conservatives

This article focuses on Michael Howard's ideas to illustrate ideological developments within the Conservative party. It recognises that the ideas of a democratic organisation cannot be represented by the thoughts of a single individual, but Howard provides useful insights. He won the leadership unopposed in November 2003 partly because he seemed likely to perform well in debates with Tony Blair, but also because he offered the prospect of policy reform on a range of issues without a radical departure from the Thatcher legacy.
Soon after becoming leader Howard issued an unusually detailed statement of his beliefs. This showed him to be a convinced economic liberal, whose thinking has been heavily influenced by America. The main departure from Thatcherism is that he is even more antipathetic towards the state. This is difficult to reconcile with his support for UK 'sovereignty' within the EU, his hard line on law and order issues, and his insistence that there are no plans to privatise the NHS. It is unlikely to provide a platform for a significant Tory recovery.     

高君宇与中国共产党的创建——兼论中国共产党创建的必要条件

1921年中国共产党的成立是马克思主义与中国工人运动相结合的产物.作为我党早期的革命活动家和理论家,高君宇对马克思主义在中国的传播,为中国工人运动的发展,为党的地方组织的创建都作了大量艰苦的理论和实际工作,他同其他我党早期的革命者一道为中国共产党的创建做出了卓越的贡献.