布莱尔第三条道路理论探析

本剖析了流行于当今英国的第三条道路理论的思想渊源及其与历史上一度出现过的其他第三条道路的本质区别。章指出,布莱尔等人所竭力鼓吹的“新”第三条道路的“新颖之处”就是一条把自己定位于两个极端之间的道路,即新自由主义和社会民主之间的中问道路。和其他的道路相比,“新”第三条道路既持有相似的言辞,又有内容上的实质差别。第三条道路所宣称的四大支柱(社区、责任、义务和机会)在历史上已出现过多次,它实际上是自由论、保守主义思想、社会主义成分等思想的混合物。工党从提出自我更新,实现现代化到最终第三条道路的出笼,其实质是放弃了社会主义的价值取向。第三条道路理论的许多内容及其所涉及的概念模糊不清、模棱两可,因而也难以实施清晰的政策措施。新工党还将继续进一步作出选择,进行未来的思想构造。     

对民事诉讼法律关系若干问题的再思考

民事诉讼法律关系不仅是指法院与一切诉讼参与人之间,而且也是当 事人彼此之间以及当事人与其他诉讼参与人之间的诉讼权利义务关系;而区分诉讼 法律关系主体和诉讼主体概念的外延和界定其内涵,更易准确把握二者质的规定性、 把握其之于民事诉讼的不同意义。同时,树立法院与当事人在民事诉讼法律关系中 的地位平等的观念,并恰当理解和把握法院在民事诉讼法律关系中的主导地位,将对 更为合理地配置诉讼主体及其彼此之间的诉讼权利义务和更为科学地设置诉讼结构 大有裨益。     

国民性格的改造与重建--20世纪文学主题综论

国民性格的改造与重建作为20世纪中国文学一个最重要的思想主题,既包含了对特定社会历史条件下人性扭曲病因的反思追问,又包含了对人性健康发展的祈盼和对理想国民性格的重建,由此衍生出现当代小说揭示批判国民劣根性与发掘颂赞民族性格优良美质的两种思想意向.     

从“工学界限”到“打成一片”——中国共产党建党前后深入工人群众的实践经验及启示

五四时期,随着“劳工神圣”思潮的风行,“与劳工为伍”成为响应时代潮流的呼声。从北京大学平民教育讲演团深入工农群众开展讲演,到具有初步共产主义思想的知识分子在长辛店开办劳动补习学校,再到中国劳动组合书记部北方分部以长辛店工运工作为基础向北方各地工人组织扩展,整个过程充分展现了中国共产党在建党前后深入群众问题上的探索和实践情况。其中,“工学界限”问题曾一度影响了革命宣传和组织深入。面对这个问题,早期共产党人坚持以马克思主义为指导,坚定深入工人群众的工作方向,踏实、务实、创造性地开展了一系列实践探索,最终弥合了工学界限,与工人群众打成一片,积累了中国共产党人开展群众工作的最初经验。深入分析和研究这一历史过程,对于坚定人民立场、践行群众路线具有重要的指导意义。     

“那是清凉山的植树”——延安时期中国共产党舆论导向典型案例分析

延安时期,以毛泽东为代表的中国共产党人高度重视新闻舆论导向工作。本文以毛泽东对发表在延安《解放日报》上一幅漫画的批评、建议以及正确引导为典型案例,梳理出毛泽东如何在当时的时代背景下积极应对舆情、有效引导舆论,进而教育延安文艺家并使其成为自省自觉的革命者的历史脉络,亦借此阐明在新时代把握新闻舆论导向原则的极端重要性。     

Support for radical parties in Western Europe: Structural conflicts and political dynamics

Why is the populist radical left and right on the rise across western Europe? Integrating theories on changing socio-political conflict with arguments about crises of political representation, we contend that electoral support for radical right and radical left parties is rooted in two distinct sets of socio-structural factors, but their translation into electoral choice is in both cases conditioned by the individual political discontent that originates in specific political dynamics. Relying on the European Social Survey (ESS) covering the period from 2002 to 2016 and Parlgov data, we show that the lack of responsiveness of mainstream parties to the changing social conflict structure provides critical opportunities for new challengers from both the radical left and the radical right, while voters’ political discontent only works to heighten their success when these parties are in opposition. Our article contributes not only by offering an integrative account of the electoral appeal of the radical right and radical left parties. In emphasising the largely similar nature of short-term, political factors that condition the translation of the different sets of long-term, structural determinants into opting for these parties, critically, this article also contributes to understanding the electoral success of radical challengers across western Europe.     

PTV gap: A new measure of party identification yielding monotonic partisan attitudes and supporting comparative analysis

Despite the cornerstone role of party identification for analyzing voting behavior in the United States, its measurement (in terms of the classic American National Electoral Studies – ANES – seven-point scale) is affected by a systematic problem of non-monotonicity, and it proved impossible to be directly applied outside the United States. We introduce a novel, complementary measurement approach aimed at addressing both problems. We test on US data (an expressly collected computer-assisted web interviewing survey dataset) a new, seven-point scale of partisanship constructed from PTV (propensity-to-vote) items, acting as projective devices for capturing partisan preferences, and routinely employed in multi-party systems. We show that a PTV-based (suitable for comparative analysis) seven-point scale of partisanship outperforms the classic ANES scale. Groups identified by the new scale show monotonic partisan attitudes, and the comparison of multivariate models of political attitudes testify significantly larger effects for the new scale, as well as an equal or higher predictive ability on a range of political attitudes.     

Ticket splitting,strategic voting and personal vote in the 2012 Mongolian elections

This article examines ticket splitting under Mongolia's new mixed-member majoritarian system used for the elections in 2012, reaching several conclusions. First, we confirm that strategic ticket splitting depends on party size, as especially candidates of larger parties receive, on average, more district votes. Second, we show that strategic voting is not a universal phenomenon under the Mongolian mixed-member majoritarian system. Finally, as personal vote rather than strategic voting generally influences electoral behaviour of Mongolian voters at the district level, we hypothesize that institutional factors alone are not sufficient to explain both ticket splitting and strategic voting.     

Turkish secularism and Islam under the reign of Erdoğan

ABSTRACT

This article introduces a collection of articles that explore the role of religion (Sunni Islam) in the transformation of Turkey under the reign of President Recep Tayyip Erdo?an and his Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalk?nma Partisi, AKP). This special issue argues that the Turkish understanding of secularism was also one of the building blocks or/and constitutive elements of Turkey’s modernisation until the rise of the AKP. Currently, however, it seems that religion has become a new or re-born element of the new Turkey and has been transforming many areas such as: the media, the Kurdish issue, implementation of the rule of law, foreign policy and gender issues. This special issue aims to scrutinise the question: how does a religion-based transformation in Turkey influence the raison d’etat of the state?     

围绕勾画结构框架 扎实推进新经济组织党建

构筑新经济组织党建的结构框架体系,必须关注新经济组织党建的价值意义、困境问题和路径设计等基础性问题.开展新经济组织党建有利于引导和促进非公有制经济健康发展、壮大党的力量和影响力、激发人力资源优势、营造和谐发展环境.但新经济组织党建并不尽完美,还面临着一系列的困境问题.我们必须从分析解决这些困境问题入手,科学设计和选择新经济组织党建的发展路径.