The integration of cooptation and coercion: China’s Taiwan strategy since 2001

In the past half-decade, China has developed a careful balance of cooptative and coercive power in its attempts to dampen the Taiwan independence movement and pursue political unification. In essence, attempts to curry favor with politically relevant constituencies on Taiwan have been paired with attempts to diplomatically isolate and militarily threaten the island's top policymakers. This balance is risky because of the possibility that it may appear too lenient to PRC nationalists, and too provocative to ROC residents. Nevertheless, the current structure of carrots and sticks has emerged for three reasons. First, the institutional coherence of Chinese decision-making and implementation has allowed for the viability of an adaptive, long-term approach. Second, the constraints on both unreinforced cooptation and coercive diplomacy have mediated toward a posture in which the former is enhanced and the latter downplayed. Third, expanded external opportunities in recent years have made it possible to exploit this middle ground.     

台湾现代诗人抽样透析——纪弦、郑愁予、余光中、洛夫、痖弦

台湾每个现代派诗人都有独特的追求,风格千姿百态。倡导“纯诗”的纪弦,诗却都源于现实人生,常用平淡明朗的语言传达情思,充满激情和高度私人化的象征;郑愁予善于把握浪子意识和乡愁题材,诗风天然精巧,刚柔并济,豪婉谐和;余光中的诗歌理论主张驳杂,风格变化多端,但都有浓郁的古典气息,工于发端巧于结尾;洛夫对人生负面因素感受深刻,诗经历了从明朗到艰涩再到明朗的过程,始终探索人类生存之谜和生命价值真谛,常于平凡现实中获取诗情,想象力与语言奇诡;痖弦的诗表现为一副苦味儿相,悲戚忧郁,戏剧化倾向明显,语言外壳有一股甜味儿,尺短意丰。     

2005年台湾"三合一"选举之评析

2005年底,台湾“三合一”选举结果揭晓,国民党在各项选举中都取得优势性胜利,民进党在县市长选举中遭受重大挫败,县市“议员”和乡镇市长当选数有小幅增长。亲民党、台湾团结联盟和新党,从当选席次、得票率等方面看,都已被边缘化。“高雄捷运”弊案所构成的特殊背景,成为此次选举的最大特征,并且直接影响选举的最终结果。此次“三合一”选举,必对台湾的政党结构体系以及台湾政坛产生重大影响,是当前台湾政局发展及其两岸关系未来走向的参考指标。     

危机事件中的政府形象和政府危机公关

“9.11”事件标志着政府危机时代的到来。危机对于政府的形象而言既是机遇又是挑战。政府在危机中的一举一动都会受到公众的审视,对政府自身的形象产生巨大的影响,导致政府形象产生“挤出效应”。从而,政府危机公关应运而生。危机事件的特点和政府公共职能的特性决定了政府危机公关的特征。政府危机公关是建立在法律、技术、管理和社会4个支持平台上,在危机的预备期、冲击期、恢复期3个阶段从信息、行为、心理3个方面全面展开危机公关。     

从我国台湾"警检一体"存在的问题看我国警检关系的完善

针对我国警检关系出现的问题,有人提出了警检一体化模式.通过对我国台湾警检关系存在问题的分析,可以看出警检一体并不能解决我国当前警检关系存在的问题.目前,首先应对我国警检关系存在的优势和缺陷进行明确,从正反两方面借鉴警检一体模式,以检察引导侦查似乎是一可行方案.     

Japan and the cross-Taiwan Strait conflict

An armed conflict between Taiwan and China is not unthinkable in the future. For historical, geographical, economic, and diplomatic reasons, Japan would not be able to stand on the sidelines. Relying on three major concepts—national interests, path dependence and balance of power, this paper explores Japan’s three possible roles in the event of a cross-Strait conflict. First, Japan could pass the buck, staying out of the conflict as much as possible and providing at most logistical and intelligence support for an American military operation. Second, it could balance power, throwing its weight behind Washington against Beijing. Finally, it could play peacemaker. At the end of the article, the author discusses several key factors that would shape Tokyo’s decision-making in the event of a cross-Strait conflict and assesses the relative probability of each option. He is the author ofExplaining Chinese Democratization (Praeger, 2000). His recent research interests include Chinese pacifism and China’s historical place in the world. For their comments, the author would like to thank anonymous reviewers, Natalie Edwards, Mei Guan, Sujian Guo, James Hsiung, Wade Hudson, Erica Johnson, Chien Liu, Andrew Needle, Anne Schotter, Steve Snow, Liang Tang, Wallace Thies, Yong Wang, and Kim Worthy.     

闽台姓氏源流与血缘认同

闽台地区是先后相沿形成的移民社会,其姓氏和宗族组成有因袭关系与共同的地方特色。闽台两地因地缘相联、血缘相通,而有着长久与频繁的血缘认同与文化寻根活动。     

中美建交前后美国售台武器及其政策的确立

卡特政府 1979- 1980年曾考虑向台湾出售一批先进武器 ,其决策过程与中美关系正常化的过程同时进行 ,影响了美方在建交谈判中在这一问题上的立场。卡特政府的决策过程为此后美国向台湾出售武器确立了模式 :售台武器是作为美国对华政策的一个重要工具而被使用的 ;其决策过程是一个官僚政治斗争过程 ,总统在这一过程中具有最大的和最终的发言权 ;国会具有很大的影响能力 ,但并不参与决策本身。     

试析"一个中国"原则的来源和内涵

台湾问题起源于国共两党的斗争 ,是一个客观存在的中国历史遗留问题 ,这构成“一个中国”原则的历史来源 ;台湾问题在本质上属于中国的内部事务 ,这构成“一个中国”原则的逻辑来源。因此 ,台湾问题是中国的内政 ,两岸之间无论存在多大的分歧都要在“一个中国”原则下协商解决 ;从促成国家统一的角度出发 ,“一个中国”原则的真正内涵是 :世界上只有一个中国 ,台湾是中国的一部分 ,中国的主权和领土完整不能分割。只有坚持真正的“一个中国”原则 ,才能和平解决台湾问题     

Divorcing Responsibly

In this article I argue that Part II of the Family LawAct 1996 gives expression to a new form ofresponsibility. I begin by suggesting thatresponsible behaviour has shifted from prohibiting orrequiring particular actions: we now exhibitresponsibility by our attitude towards our actions. I then examine where this new conception ofresponsibility has come from. Through an examinationof the work of post-liberal theorists, principallyMichael Sandel, I argue that a changing view ofpersonhood within post-liberal theory has led to aquestioning of the possibility of choice, and that theabsence of choice necessitates a shift in thedefinition of responsible behaviour. If we are createdby our decisions then we cannot be held to account forour decisions, but only for the care we have takenover them. Responsibility is therefore measured notby our level of self-control but by our level ofself-awareness. Finally I examine the consequences ofthis shift in the meaning of responsibility. Withinthis framework autonomy is illusory thereforedecisions do not need to be respected. This explainswhy the implementation of Part II of the Family LawAct 1996 has been called into question. Within thisframework responsibility is relative therefore itextends indefinitely. This enables the Family Law Actto be uniquely intrusive and judgmental: everydivorcing couple, on being held up to scrutiny, isfound lacking.