政府年度工作报告:官员问责机制建设的一个新视角

政府年度工作报告作为系统披露官员政策承诺与业绩报告的重要途径,既是西方发达国家推进官员问责机制建设的最新趋势,也是中国政治制度的潜在优势。与选举、预算、司法审判、独立问责等官员问责机制相比,中国独特的政治架构使得政府年度工作报告在建立公众、政务官以及常任文官之间环环紧扣的问责链,实现汇报与验证、信任与质疑、授权与审查的动态平衡,全面提升信息、激励和约束功能等方面具有明显的优势,并最终有利于提高官员政策承诺的民意遵从度和实现程度,提升治理绩效。因此,以政府年度工作报告为着力点和突破口,完善其运行机制与配套制度应当是推进中国官员问责机制建设的首要途径。     

The Quango Conundrum Revisited—Why the Government Still Needs a More Coherent Approach to Arm's‐Length Bodies

There has been substantial reform of public bodies since the Coalition government was formed in 2010. But although numbers have been reduced, there has been no attempt to address the confused landscape—indeed, departments have interpreted criteria for what should be put at arm's length in different ways, introducing further complexity. A clearer link between function and form is needed. This would help address some of the blurred lines over accountability that we have seen in the recent rows over Ofsted and the Environment Agency.     

论责任政府及其重建机制

传统责任政府的理念是基于政府法权基础上的责任履行 ,它往往导致形式主义和对程序合法性以及效率理性的极端追求。本文把责任政府理解为制度责任与伦理责任的统一 ,视之为制度规范和道德内化的综合体现。基于上述认识 ,本文以政府应该做什么、朝那个方向去做、怎么做及其相应的规范与纠偏机制为切入点 ,提出了当代重建责任政府的若干行动机制。尤其是厉行官员问责制 ,不仅是对应然状态责任政府的补足 ,更是其现实化的重要步骤。     

Making them pay: Using the norm of honesty to generate costs for political lies

Recent literature finds that, although lies politicians spread to achieve partisan goals can be corrected, politicians who spread misinformation rarely pay a price for lying. We argue that the cost of lying should be greater when the norm of honesty is salient. Using three survey experiments that feature both a well-known politician (Donald Trump) and a fictitious member of Congress, we examine the cost politicians pay when they are caught in a lie. We find that many citizens, regardless of partisanship, will recognize a lie when one has been told. And although citizens punish unknown politicians for lying, they do not punish Trump similarly unless the norm of honesty is made salient. This effect, however, is limited to the narrower measure of situational approval; individual lies do not affect overall measures of job approval regardless of honesty salience. These results demonstrate the difficulty of getting citizens to update their views on well-known politicians, even when those politicians are caught in an obvious lie. Yet our findings suggest fruitful paths toward creating a disincentive for politicians to distort the truth.     

Post-conflict justice in divided democracies: the 1984 anti-Sikh riots in India

Abstract

Official figures claim that almost 3000 people were killed, and many more injured or displaced, in four days of rioting aimed at the Sikh population of Delhi in late October and early November 1984 following the assassination of Indira Gandhi. This article analyses the efforts made to address the human rights violations that occurred. It argues that as a divided democracy, India has struggled to do justice to the victims, despite multiple commissions of inquiry, compensation schemes and a prime ministerial apology. It argues that this has occurred not simply because of challenges commonly faced by democracies dealing with similar incidents, but also because of the particular problems faced in a context in which we see continuity of rule by a political elite allegedly implicated in the abuse and in which there is acute concern for the survival of a fragile divided polity.     

政治与行政两分理论的跨文化对话

政治与行政二分法是西方国家行政学中一个有经久影响力和讨论价值的理论,被专家们认为是行政管理实践的核心要点。本文运用这一理论的基本原理来考察中国的国家管理实践,揭示其分析价值,沟通东西方管理思想的对话。笔者提出,如果理解正确、运用恰当,西方政治与行政两分的讨论可以为中国进一步的行政和公共政策改革提供十分有益的视角和思路,即：注重政治与行政的专业化分工、加强独立问责、以民主政治和精细化管理的精神改革中国的政治决策程序和提高政府机关的行政能力,综合提高现代国家治理能力。     

Holding parties responsible at election time: Multi-level,multi-party government and electoral accountability

This paper highlights the crucial role played by party-specific responsibility attributions in performance-based voting. Three models of electoral accountability, which make distinct assumptions regarding citizens' ability to attribute responsibility to distinct governing parties, are tested in the challenging Northern Ireland context – an exemplar case of multi-level multi-party government in which expectations of performance based voting are low. The paper demonstrates the operation of party-attribution based electoral accountability, using data from the 2011 Northern Ireland Assembly Election Study. However, the findings are asymmetric: accountability operates in the Protestant/unionist bloc but not in the Catholic/nationalist bloc. This asymmetry may be explained by the absence of clear ethno-national ideological distinctions between the unionist parties (hence providing political space for performance based accountability to operate) but the continued relevance in the nationalist bloc of ethno-national difference (which limits the scope for performance politics). The implications of the findings for our understanding of the role of party-specific responsibility attribution in performance based models of voting, and for our evaluation of the quality of democracy in post-conflict consociational polities, are discussed.     

完善我国行政问责制的若干思考

行政问责制既是深化行政管理体制改革的需要,也是建设责任政府和服务政府的需要.我国推行行政问责制以来,取得了一定的成绩,但同时也存在许多问题.当前,需要认真总结实践经验,借鉴国外经验,深入进行理论研究和探讨,切实采取措施加以完善.     

引咎辞职研究述评

近几年我国学者研究“引咎辞职”的非常多。众多学者对“引咎辞职”的研究从时间纵向角度看，它是紧密和现实联系在一起的。“引咎辞职”理论在我国学界的研究是不断深入的，研究的角度是不断拓展的，研究的思维是越趋理性的。