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161.
对我国法学教育改革创新的理性思考 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
我国当前的法学教育虽然获得较快的发展,但在教育理念、教学方式、同质化方面与社会经济发展的要求有较大差距。加入WTO后,这种差距将越来越明显,对我国法制建设和“依法治国”战略的实施带来滞后影响。面对机遇和挑战,必须对当前我国法学教育存在的弊端进行改革,重新对我国法学教育进行定位,并加强国际法学教育交流,借鉴世界先进法学教育理念与模式,加快我国法学教育的发展。 相似文献
162.
论行刑个别化原则之确立 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
孙雯 《安徽警官职业学院学报》2002,1(1):20-22
监狱的行刑运作必须遵循一定的活动原则.行刑个别化原则是特定行刑目的的派生物,是刑罚目的之于行刑的个别化要求,是一定时期刑罚制度及其理论在行刑观念上的折射.对分娩于国外监狱并为现代西方刑罚综合理论所极力主张的行刑个别化原则,我们应取其合理成份,弃其虚伪内容,坚持自己的发展方向. 相似文献
163.
提高成人高等教育学士学位授予工作水平的思考 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
黄健 《天津市工会管理干部学院学报》2006,14(1):42-44
成人高等教育作为普通高校教育工作的重要组成部分,必须落实科学发展观,遵循成人教育规律,找准教育定位,提高人材培养和学士学位授予的质量。 相似文献
164.
Despite the substantial body of research on the psychological and social effects of racial segregation in schools on African Americans, few studies have considered the possibility that more racially inclusive schools might reduce the risk of extremely negative adult life experiences such as incarceration. Yet such a connection is made plausible by research linking black racial isolation in schools to variables that are often associated with incarceration rates, including concentrated poverty, and low educational and occupational aspirations and attainment. In this paper, we apply methods first developed by labor economists to assess the impact of racial inclusiveness in schools on individual incarceration rates for 5‐year cohorts of African Americans and whites born since 1930. We find strong support for the conclusion that blacks educated in states where a higher proportion of their classmates were white experienced significantly lower incarceration rates as adults. Moreover, our analysis suggests that the effects of racial inclusiveness on black incarceration rates have grown stronger over time. These longitudinal effects are consistent with the argument that the educational climate of predominantly black schools has deteriorated in more recent decades. 相似文献
165.
This study examined the relationship between lifetime abuse and mental health among 126 African American women and 365 White women from a primary health care setting who participated in a telephone interview as part of a larger study. Seven types of childhood and adult intimate partner abuse were measured. Consistent with hypotheses, (1) lifetime abuse was associated with elevated levels of anxiety and depression, and (2) women who experienced childhood abuse were more likely to report adult partner abuse. African American and White women showed more similarities than differences in the associations between most abuse experiences and depression and anxiety, as well as types of childhood abuse. African American abused women reported more excessive jealousy by partners. Nonabused African American women reported higher levels of depression and anxiety than their White counterparts. Results are interpreted and discussed taking into account relevant social and cultural factors. 相似文献
166.
北京市东城区公众参与机制研究 总被引:2,自引:1,他引:1
推行公众参与对完善政府决策机制、维护公众利益、加强基层政府自身建设具有重要意义,通过完善政府信息收集系统、信息传送系统、智力支持系统、信息交互平台、民间组织培育等基础性工作和可操作性的制度建设,建立起和谐有序、持续互动的城区治理模式,是一种有益尝试。 相似文献
167.
Louis Klarevas 《国际研究展望》2002,3(4):417-437
It is a commonly held belief that the foreign policy issue to which the American public is most sensitive is the use of military force. Because American public opinion regarding the use of force is highly palpable, salient, and organized, and because decisions regarding the use of force are some of the most important decisions the nation ever has to consider, the analysis of public opinion regarding military involvement is academically significant and policy relevant. The indication from policymakers is that American military operations require public support. As a result, scholars and analysts have come to realize that public opinion is the "essential domino" of military operations. The relationship between mass American public opinion and the use of military force has become, therefore, the focus of numerous studies and surveys. There are currently several competing explanations—schools of thought—in the literature on why the mass public supports the use of force. This article is an attempt to identify the most prominent schools of thought on public opinion and the use of force, and the central factors associated with each school. Such a review is important to generating policy–relevant guidance pertaining to public opinion and the use of force—an objective made more pressing by the current war against terrorism. 相似文献
168.
Explaining Explanations: How Legislators Explain their Policy Positions and How Citizens React 下载免费PDF全文
Christian R. Grose Neil Malhotra Robert Parks Van Houweling 《American journal of political science》2015,59(3):724-743
Legislators claim that how they explain their votes matters as much as or more than the roll calls themselves. However, few studies have systematically examined legislators’ explanations and citizen attitudes in response to these explanations. We theorize that legislators strategically tailor explanations to constituents in order to compensate for policy choices that are incongruent with constituent preferences, and to reinforce policy choices that are congruent. We conduct a within‐subjects field experiment using U.S. senators as subjects to test this hypothesis. We then conduct a between‐subjects survey experiment of ordinary people to see how they react to the explanatory strategies used by senators in the field experiment. We find that most senators tailor their explanations to their audiences, and that these tailored explanations are effective at currying support—especially among people who disagree with the legislators’ roll‐call positions. 相似文献
169.
School clusters have been adopted as an education policy by most Asian countries since the 1960s. In Cambodia, primary schools have been organised in clusters since 1993. Clusters were considered a mechanism for quality improvements of education and a way to facilitate sharing and interaction between schools. Primary school clusters have been partially successful. Today there is a growing interest among Cambodian policymakers for integrating primary schools (Grades 1–6) and lower secondary schools (Grades 7–9). This article provides a policy suggestion by arguing for extending the cluster mechanism to these integrated basic education schools with all grades from 1 to 9. 相似文献
170.
In 2013, the Laos Ministry of Education and Sports (MoES) commissioned a mid-term review of the Education Sector Development Plan 2011–2015 (ESDP, Lao People's Democratic Republic, Ministry of Education and Sports 2010). Plan International, a United Nations Girls Education Initiative partner, worked with MoES to lead a gender audit for the mid-term review. The gender audit strengthened the mid-term review and contributed to the design of the new ESDP. A MoES gender and inclusion working group was established, providing an institutional structure to support focused policy dialogue and address recommendations. This note recommends the inclusion of gender audits within mid-term reviews and final evaluations of sectoral plans to ensure that investments adequately address gender equality. 相似文献